Sunday, November 15, 2015
Sunday, November 15, 2015
Below are some izithakazelo (Kinship group praises) for some nguni or ngoni clans collected from the web. As you may notice some are in Zulu, Xhosa and other nguni languages. You can use http://www.isizulu.net to get the meaning of the words. This site has an online zulu dictionary that you may also use to translate the ngoni songs found on this site. Remember that isiZulu, isiNgoni, isiXhosa, siSwati and isindebele are all nguni languages and are therefore mutually intelligible.
Note: Isithakazelo (plural Izithakazelo)are poems praising important people e.g. ancestors within a Nguni clan. They are the story of a clan. The shortened version is used as a fond greeting of a clan member.
Zithakazelo zakwaMsimang (now known as Simango in Malawi according to GT Nurse)
Zithakazelo zakwa Khumalo
Abathi bedla, umuntu bebe bemyenga ngendaba.
Abadl'izimf'ezimbili Ikhambi laphuma lilinye.
Lobengula kaMzilikazi, Mzilikazi kaMashobana
Shobana noGasa kaZikode, Zikode kaMkhatshwa.
Mabaso owabas'entabeni, Kwadliwa ilanga lishona
Zindlovu ezibantu, Zindlovu ezimacocombela.
Nina bakwaMawela, Owawel'iZambezi ngezikhali.
Nina bakaNkomo zavul'inqaba, Zavul'inqaba ngezimpondo kwelaseNgome.
Nina enal'ukudl'umlenze KwaBulawayo!
Mantungw'amahle! Bantwana benkosi, Nina bakwaNtokela!
Izithakazelo zakwa-Dlamini (Nkosi)
Wena esingangcwaba sibuye noMlandakazi
Abawela lubombo ngekuhlehletela
Nina baSobhuza uSomhlolo
Nina bakwakusa neLanga
Nina besicoco sangenhlana
Nina bakwaNkomo zilal'uwaca
Abadl'umbilini wenkomo kungafanele
Nina bakaDambuza Mthabathe
'Thina bakwa Mhlongo sithi'
Nina bakaBhebhe kaMthendeka
Nina bakaSoqubele onjengegundane
Zingwazi zempi yakwaNdunu
Yabuye yatholakala ngowesikhombisa
Ngaphandle ke uma ngingatshelwanga kahle ekhaya.
Nina bakwandlovu zidl' ekhaya,
Nina bakwakhumbula amagwala.
Nina bakwademazane ntombazana
Nina bakwasihlangu sihle.
Abathi bedla, babeyenga umuntu ngendaba
Abathi "dluya kubeyethwe."
Kanti bahlinza imbuzi.
Bathi umlobokazi ubeyethe kayikhuni
Ngokulandel' izinkomo zamadoda,
wen' odl' umunt' umyenga ngendaba,
wen' omanz' akhuphuk' intaba
Ngwenya(South African version)
Zulu omnyama ondlela zimhlophe.
Nina baka Phunga no Mageba.
Ndaba; nina bakaMjokwane kaNdaba.
Nina benkayishana kaMenzi eyaphunga umlaza ngameva.
Izithakazelo zakwa zungu:
nyama kayishe eshaya ngamaphephezeli
wena owaphuma ngenoni emgodini,
wena owakithi le emaheyeni,sengwayo
I have just noted that some people have been trying to search for the meaning of the word ndabezitha used above and in some Zulu films such as Shaka Zulu below.
Ndabezitha is the one of the praise and respect words used when the Zulus and other Ngunis want to acknowledge loyalty to a Nguni royalty. Just as in English one would say, 'your majesty or his royal majesty or your royal majesty' to their king, in Zulu and other nguni words you use the praise word ndabezitha. The word is a contraction of indaba yezitha literally meaning 'matter of the enemies'
Sunday, March 11, 2012
Sunday, March 11, 2012
The succession to the Paramountcy and the role of the regent
Mtwalo said to Mbelwa 'You are the right man to be inkosi. I am not the right man because through jealousy Ntabeni gave the inkosi to Mpeseni.' Then they gave Bayete' to Mbelwa."
by Margaret Read.
THE Chewa term for chief (mfumu) was widely used in Nyasaland for chiefs of all ranks, as well as for village headmen and, occasionally, as an honorific form of address to an important individual. Among the Cewa a man could 'become a chief' by acquiring, through marriage or purchase, the right to own a site, known as a mzinda, on which female initiation rites were carried out. This concept of the office of chieftainship among the Cewa and other local tribes was in sharp contrast to the centralized and unified concept inherent in the Ngoni term inkosi. I have translated inkosi here as Paramount because the term Paramount Chief was adopted by the Administration to denote a ruler who had recognized subordinate chiefs under him and whose court was an appeal court for their courts. It is necessary to emphasize here how distinctive the office of Paramount was among the various types of chiefs in Nyasaland, both in official recognition, and still more in the Ngoni ideas about their Paramount. We saw in Chapter II of Part I that no Nyasaland chiefs, except the Ngoni Paramounts, had Subordinate Native Authorities under them.
When the Ngoni left the south, a number of small chiefdoms there were gradually being overcome by Shaka and, based on his armies, he had set up a new and unique type of inkosi. The leaders of military bands who left him Mzilikazi, Soshangane, Zwangendaba and Ngwana—had little recognition before they left, except as military and clan leaders. Yet after the Ngoni left, Zwangendaba and Ngwana received from their followers recognition of their political leadership as inkosi, and this was expressed by giving to the Paramount the salute of Bayete. Throughout their recitals of traditions and in their accounts of their political system, Ngoni informants in both kingdoms emphasized that for each kingdom there was one inkosi to whom alone the Bayete was given. We assume, therefore, that the later Ngoni concept of the Paramount and his function and authority was largely evolved and built up during the Ngoni migration across the Zambesi and the early settlement in Nyasaland.
The office of the Paramount was supported by three typical Ngoni institutions. The first was the regency exercised by the man who was held responsible for the care of the office of the Paramount. He was called 'the one who takes care of the country', 'the one who has to put the new inkosi in his place', 'the one who takes care of the young inkosi until he enters his father's place'. We shall see later how this principle of regency operated in particular cases in the succession to the Paramountcy. It proved to be an effective provision both in the case of a minor who was recognized as his father's heir, and during an interregnum while the succession was being discussed. The Ngoni showed a clear understanding of what functions the regent ought to perform, and when he exceeded these functions and usurped, or tried to usurp, the Paramount's position they condemned his action as wrong.
The second institution which supported the Paramountcy was the `big house' from which the heir to the Paramount had to come. We shall see later that it was not always considered essential that the heir should be the actual child of the wife in the big house. A boy could be adopted into the house and, by Ngoni kinship rules, he was then a child of that house and of the woman in it.
The third institution, which made the Paramount immortal at death after having been supreme in his life-time, was the Ngoni practice of `guarding his spirit' in a hut, usually in the village where he had lived. The guardianship of a spirit was not practised exclusively for the Paramount. All the chiefs and the heads of the Swazi clans had this provision made for their spirits when they died, but in national crises prayers addressed to the spirits of former Paramounts were of supreme importance.
The royal clan and the big house
Among the Swazi and trans-Zambesi clans which formed the Ngoni aristocracy the royal clan had a unique position. Not only was it the clan of the Paramount, but its members had social rank and prestige because they belonged to his clan. In the northern kingdom informants showed awareness of the fact that their royal clan of Jere was not one of the well-known clans in the south. Other clan names found among them, such as Ngomezulu, Thole, Nzima, Nqumayo, and many more, were known to be clan names among the South-eastern Bantu. The following explanation was given by Cibambo about the name Jere and was the one most widely accepted:
The Ngoni themselves say that the clan name of Jere was given during the journey, and that it arose out of the number of people who were with Zwangendaba. When the Ngoni want to speak of a large number of people they use two well-known words which are: `Ngu Shaka' (it is Shaka); 'Ngu Jere' (it is Jere). Perhaps Zwangendaba and others took their clan name from this, seeing that they had become a great number. It is certain that the clan name of Jere is not known in Zululand or Swaziland
In the northern kingdom all the chiefs recognized as Subordinate Native Authorities were of the royal clan, and hence its political authority was widespread. It was noticed by the early missionaries in northern Ngoniland that the sons of Zwangendaba who were chiefs under their brother, the Paramount, showed some degree of independence in that they wanted to rule their own areas with the minimum of centralized control. The pre-eminence of the Paramount among the other Jere rulers was strengthened as time went on by the remoter kinship relationship of the other Jere chiefs to the Paramount. After Zwangendaba's death they were his brothers of the same father and different mothers. Two generations later they were farther removed from his kinship circle since each of their posts was inherited on a direct father to son principle. The political and social importance of membership of the royal clan tended to go in the direct line of relationship to the Paramount rather than to the collateral branches. Later, in Part III, we shall examine the social prestige of the amakosana (lit. children of the inkosi). It was the closeness of their relationship to the reigning Paramount which was the basis for their social prestige, though evidence showed that a sister or brother or child from a big house of a former Paramount was also given social recognition as an important personage.
The royal clan of Maseko in the central kingdom was also known in Swaziland. Dr. Kuper refers to it in connexion with the Swazi custom of cremating the body of the Maseko chief at his death on a rock by a river.(See Kuper, H. An African Aristocracy, p. 86.) This custom was brought from the south by the Ngoni under Maseko leadership and carried out for each successive Paramount up to 1891. Among these Ngoni the royal clan had special relationships with other leading clans, but the Paramount did not share his political authority with any others of his clan. His chiefs were all of other clans, and Ngoni informants said that it was a deliberate act of the Paramount Mputa to exclude his brothers from political authority and from disputing with him the control of the kingdom. In the isolated position thus established for the royal clan, two other clans had a ritual relationship with the Paramount. One was the Phungwako clan which was custodian of the Paramount's 'medicines', known as the tonga. The other was the Ngozo clan which provided the companion for the Paramount whom I have called the 'royal shadow' (see below, pp. 61-3). Yet another special relationship with the royal clan was that of the Nzunga clan which had chibale, or brotherly relations, with the Maseko clan, that involved sharing the same avoidances and excluded inter-marriage.
The relationship of the Paramount to other leaders of the royal clan was thus different in the two kingdoms. In the north he was one ruler, though a supreme one, among several ruling kinsmen of the same clan. His position in the past had been strengthened by the prestige shared by his clansmen, but also challenged by his near kinsmen in positions of authority. In the central kingdom the Paramount shared no authority with his fellow clansmen. He was unique among them as a ruler, while sharing special ritual relationships with the two other clans which supported his position without challenging it.
A new Paramount, in order to be installed in his father's place, had to be of the big house as well as of the royal clan. Dr. Kuper described the Swazi practice whereby cattle were contributed by the nation for the mother of the king, so that she was called the 'mother of the people of the country'. She also described the ritual marriage of the first wife of a ruler, who was called sisulamsiti , and who was never the mother of the heir.(See Kuper, H. op. cit. pp. 54 & 91) The Ngoni Paramount-elect in the northern kingdom married his first wife when he was a young man and she was called msulamsizi, 'the one who takes the darkness off him'. The big wife, who would bear the heir, was married with a large gift of cattle taken from the herd of the big wife of the reigning Paramount and, after marriage, was attached to her big house. We shall discuss in greater detail in the next chapter the relationships of the royal women to the Paramount and to each other. Here it is important to note that the big house owned by the big wife was the place where the future chief was brought up. In the central kingdom the first marriage of the Paramount was traditionally with a woman of the Magagula clan who was said not to bear children. She held an honoured place in the social hierarchy and was married with cattle taken from the herd of the gogo house of the reigning Paramount. It was regarded as a ritual marriage, for if she did bear children they were not acknowledged. Informants were uncertain whether methods to prevent conception were used, or whether abortion was practised, or whether children, if born, died young or were disposed of or placed out in other households. The last alternatives were unlikely, and one of the first two expedients was in line with the phrase always used of this wife: 'she did not bear children'. The wife who bore the heir was married next and was always of another leading clan, and the cattle for her came from the herd of the big house of the reigning Paramount.
The reasons were obvious why the remembered genealogies of the Ngoni Paramounts of the royal clans were short compared with the genealogies of some other African royal houses. The remote ancestors of Jere chiefs and Maseko chiefs, who were, as we have seen, not Paramounts before they left the south, were forgotten once the departure had taken place. Only a few names had been handed down and were repeated by the official praisers, whose task it was to call out the names of the direct ancestors of the Paramount before declaiming his izibongo or praise-songs. The northern Ngoni remembered the names of five direct ancestors of Zwangendaba, ancestors who had died before they left the south, and the central Ngoni remembered the names of three direct ancestors of Mputa who had died before crossing the Zambesi.'
The genealogy of the Jere Paramounts which was recited in the northern kingdom varied in different localities. Of three versions which I found two agreed, except in the name given for the earliest ancestor.
Lovuma (Kali is the alternative given by Cibambo)
Magalera Died in the south
Mbelwa III, ruling in 1939
The list above was given by Cibambo of Ekwendeni and Simon Nhlane of Hoho, the leading member of the Nhlane clan.
Third Version: Nyandeni
Jele ka Lovuma
1 In 'Traditions and Prestige among the Ngoni' (Africa, 1936) I said (p. 466) that nine generations of ancestors were remembered in the north and seven in the centre. These referred to the Paramounts after crossing the Zambesi as well as to their ancestors who died in the south.
The third version was given by Chinombo Jere, a grandson of Zwangendaba, who came from Emcisweni. This section of the Ngoni, under Chief Mperembe, had for a time associated with Paramount Mpeseni, and not with Mbelwa. This separation gave them a slightly different set of traditions, and they were, perhaps owing to their geographical isolation, the last group to give up the old language and dress.
An attempt to check the Emcisweni version of the Jere genealogy with that of Ekwendeni showed one piece of evidence in favour of the latter. This was the tradition preserved by the Nhlane clan that the Swazi chiefs of the Nqumayo clan had as their chief izinduna men of the Jere clan who were of the same age regiment. The names remembered were as follows:
In the central Ngoni kingdom the following was the generally accepted version of the genealogy of the Maseko Paramounts:
Msizi no bulako Died in the south
Goqweni Died in the South
Ngwana Died before crossing the Zambesi
Gomani II, ruling in 1939
After the death of Ngwana before the crossing of the Zambesi, two of his brothers in turn acted as regents. Also, on the death of Mputa, his brother Cidyawonga acted as regent. In the recital of the Paramount's genealogies, however, the names of the regents were not included.
The succession to the Paramountcy and the role of the regent
It might appear that among a strictly patrilineal people like the Ngoni, where marriage was formalized by exchange of cattle, and where each wife had a recognized position and rank, it would have been easy to formulate rules for the succession to the Paramountcy, and that they would have been followed without deviation. Such had obviously not been the case. It could be argued that the unsettled conditions on the northward journey made it necessary to modify rules of succession in favour of the 'strong man'. Europeans have tried to detect an element of popular choice in the appointment of the inkosi, or at least of a popular verdict in favour of or against a proposed candidate. Another element suggested by Ngoni informants was nomination of his heir by the dying Paramount.
There were, however, certain principles which were clear in the accounts given by informants. One was that immediately on the death of a Paramount a regent took charge of the country, of the office of the Paramount, and of the person of the heir elect, and also of the funeral rites of the dead Paramount. The provision for a regency allowed for a period of delay before announcing the successor. There was no 'The king is dead. Long live the king.' The office of the Paramount was clearly in suspense during this interregnum which had been known to last a few days, a few months, or even years—the last in the case of a successor who was a minor. During this period the regent was responsible for carrying on the work of the Paramount, and for consultation with heads of leading clans about the successor. In the past the regent was usually a brother of the dead Paramount. The traditions of the central Ngoni were, as we have seen, that after Ngwana had led them out of the south, he died before crossing the Zambesi. Two of his brothers, Magadlera who died before the Zambesi crossing and Mgoola who died near Domwe, successively acted as regents until Mputa was old enough to enter his father's place. When the time came for the end of the interregnum, it was the regent's responsibility to summon the people and present the heir to them as the new Paramount.
The assumption of authority by a regent and the provision for an interregnum make it clear that the identity of the successor was seldom a foregone conclusion even though the heir-apparent stood with a spear at his father's grave. Among the principles of succession which determined the choice of the new Paramount, one was that he should come from the big house. This could be 'arranged' by adopting him into it if there was no likely heir who had been born there. Another principle was a less easily defined qualification, that of suitability. This was discussed by the regent with the leading clan heads, who took into account the wishes of the late Paramount and the character and personality already displayed by the proposed successor, who had stood by his father's grave. Informants made it clear that responsibility for this selection weighed heavily on the regent and the leading men, for the choice once made was final, the power of the Paramount was very great, the 'medicines' used at his accession 'set him aside as a person of potential supernatural power, and the prosperity of the country and of everyone in it depended on this decision.
Two famous cases of disputed succession in the past had led to major divisions of the Ngoni kingdoms. The first occurred in the north on the death of Zwangendaba, when his brother Ntabeni became regent, and this dispute revolved round the principle that the heir should come from the big house. It led to the final split between Mpezeni and Mbelwa, the setting up of two kingdoms, and the giving of the Bayete' to two Paramounts of the Jere clan. The following account was given by Chief Mtwalo Jere, son of the Mtwalo mentioned, and he told it to me in his own village of Ezondweni. It brings out the function and position of the regent; the relation of 'house' to `village'; the influence of the popular verdict on the choice of a successor; the magnanimous attitude of other possible rivals for the Paramountcy; and the effect of personal quarrels on a national matter.
"Ntabeni went to the house of Munene, the mother of Mbelwa. She insulted him and would not give him beer. Zwangendaba went to bathe and when he returned Ntabeni said to him 'I have been insulted by your wife. She called me "Sutu".' This is a great insult among the Ngoni.1 Zwangendaba was very angry, and he took a pan and fried groundnuts, and said to his wife 'You must take the groundnuts in your hand.' Her hands were very burnt because the groundnuts were too hot. 'You are burnt because you must not abuse this your brother-in-law. You are punished.' Zwangendaba died. Ntabeni was taking care of the country. He was the right man to put the inkosi. He said to Mbelwa: 'You are not a chief because your mother abused me.' So Mpeseni was inkosi, and the second was Mtwalo. They chased away Mbelwa. When Mpeseni was elected to be inkosi all the people were complaining because they said the chieftainship should be for the village of Elangeni. The people of Elangeni and of Ekwendeni did not want Mpeseni as inkosi.
Ntabeni died. The people of Elangeni and of Ekwendeni wanted to fight Ntabeni's people because they were not told of his death, and when he was buried they were not there. The Ntabeni people went away to Tanganyika. All the rest left Ufipa and came to Cidlodlo. Mpeseni and Mperembe stayed there and the rest came to Coma. Then Mperembe returned from Mpeseni.
Mtwalo said to Mbelwa 'You are the right man to be inkosi. I am not the right man because through jealousy Ntabeni gave the inkosi to Mpeseni.' Then they gave Bayete' to Mbelwa."
Cibambo, whose father was mlomo wenkosi (mouthpiece of the chief) in Ekwendeni for old Mtwalo mentioned above, confirmed this part of the story of the succession and the role played by Ntabeni as regent. He also gave in his book 2 the most coherent account of an earlier dispute about which wife of Zwangendaba was the big wife—a dispute which illustrated the significance of the house in the succession.
A disputed succession in the central kingdom arose over a struggle between Chikusi, the son of the Paramount Mputa, and Cifisi, the son of the regent Cidyawonga who took care of the kingdom after Mputa's death. When the regent died, his son Cifisi claimed the succession and war broke out between the followers of the two claimants. After fighting had continued through two generations of claimants the state under Cifisi seceded and became independent, though the `Bayete' was only given to Cikusi and his descendants of Mputa's main line. The following account was given in the royal village of the central kingdom by a former regent assisted by an official reciter of tradition. It related to the succession to Mputa, who died in the Songea district of Tanganyika, and to the defeat of these Ngoni by the followers of Zulu Gama. After this defeat the Ngoni under Cidyawonga returned to the west side of the lake and built on Domwe mountain.
"When they burned the body of Mputa, Chidyawonga stood with Chikusi, and that was the sign that Cikusi was still young but was inkosi. Cidyawonga was the brother of Mputa. The people told Cidyawonga 'We are in war. You must help us.' They took Chikusi and put him in the big house, because there were no children there.
Chidyawonga was the regent when they built on Domwe. When he was about to die he said to the people 'Now I leave this country in the hands of the owner, because I was only appointed to keep it for him. This is your leader.' He sent for Cikusi and gave him his father's spear, saying to him `This country is yours.' He said to Cifisi, his own son, ' You my son do not struggle with Cikusi. He is the only Paramount here.' Cidyawonga we did not burn because he had cared for the Paramountcy. And when Cidyawonga died we put Cikusi in his place."
The relation between the regent and the Paramount emerged again from the confusion following the death of Paramount Gomani I in 1896 at the hands of the British. The record in the Ncheu District Note Book said that authority was divided between the dead Paramount's brother, Mandala, and NaMlangeni, the mother of Chikusi the former Paramount. After the Portuguese-Nyasaland boundary was fixed dividing the Ngoni territory, the Portuguese entered their section to administer it. NaMlangeni and Mandala resisted their entry and were taken prisoners and died. Meantime a big mulumuzana of Paramount Gomani I had acted as regent for his heir who had been placed in the big house. The following account by the treasurer of Gomani II described the situation during the early years of the minority of the Paramount.
"Chief Gomani II was born in 1893. The country was destroyed by the Europeans when this child was three years old, and he was taken care of by the big mulumuzana of his father, Cakumbira Mpalale Ndau. When the war of the Europeans had finished, they built the village of Lizulu, near Mlanda mountain, where the Dutch mission is today. The child was with them in that village.
When the European Mr. Walker asked the big people whether Gomani I left any children, those big people refused to tell and said 'He did not leave children, they died when they were small.' They feared lest perhaps the Europeans wanted to kill the children too. Mr. Walker (they called him Chipyoza, 'the thing that goes on boring a hole') did not stop asking because he said `Gomani was my friend and I want to help his children.' On his second journey they revealed to him that there were two children in the village here, and they named the heir Philip Gomani and his younger brother William Gomani who died in 1919. Then Mr. Walker rejoiced. When they brought the children out before his eyes, he gave them gifts which he brought for them, clothes and other things."
1. Bryant, in Olden Times in Zululand and Natal, said (p. 134) that `Sutu' was an insult because it meant 'harharian'—one who had not had his ears pierced according to the custom of the Zulu.
2.Cibambo, Y. M. My Ngoni of Nyasaland. London, 1942, chaps. V & VI.
Wednesday, February 1, 2012
Monday, November 21, 2011
Monday, November 21, 2011
continued from part 5 which deals with ngoni adjective and adverb
THE NGONI VERB.
1—FORMS OF VERBS.
I. The simple form of the ngoni verb contains the root and root idea unmodified. Verbs usually end in a, but some (three as in isiZulu and Kaffir) end in i and o. The second person singular, imperative mood, presents the root of the verb. To this is prefixed uku to form the infinitive mood.
Ukuthanda, to love, from (u) ku, to, and thanda, love.
From the simple form other forms are derived by means of changes in the ending of the root. There are primary, secondary, and tertiary derived forms, as noted below, but very few verbs are used in all these forms. It is also to be noted that many verbs have ceased to be used in the simple form, and are only used in the objective form, which has the force of the simple form as well. The derived forms are conjugated like simple verbs.
1. Simple form, Uku thanda, to love.
2. Subjective form Ukuthandeka, to be loveable, or beloved.
3. Objective form Uku thandela, to love for,or on account of.
4. Causative form Uku thandisa, to cause to love.
5. Reflective form Uku zithanda, to love oneself.
6. Reciprocal form Uku thandana, to love one another.
7. Frequentative form Uku thandathanda, to love on, or frequently.
Secondary derived forms may be used thus-
Uku thandisela, to cause to love for.
Uku thandanisa, to cause one another to love.
2. Uses of the various forms of the verb :—
(1). Simple. Expresses the bare affirmation of the action signified by the verb.
Niyahamba, I am going.
(2). Subjective. This form is derived from the simple form by inserting ek before the final vowel of the root. It expresses the state of being which is the result of the action of the verb in the simple form.
Ngi thandekile, I am beloved.
It also means that the state is possible.
NOTE 1.—This form of the verb is variously termed neuter passive, intransitive, and its meaning is closely allied to the passive voice. In the passive voice, however, the state signified refers the action to some agent.
NOTE 2.—Some verbs add kala to the root, thus forming an intransitive verb.
Bona, see; bonakala, be visible.
Such modifications are treated as distinct verbs when conjugated, and denote various ideas.
Bona, see; bonisa, cause to see.
Bonakala, be visible; Bonakalisa, cause to be, or make visible.
In these examples bona—simple form of verb.
bonisa bonakala—primary derived forms.
bonakalisa=secondary derived form.
(1). Objective. Derived from the simple form by inserting el before the final vowel of the root.
Uku thandela, to love for.
Its more frequent use is with nouns and pronouns in the locative case, or governed by the preposition ku; and before adverbs of place.
Ngilinda, I wait ; ngimlindela, I wait for him.
Wafela ekhaya, he died at home.
Wafela lapho, he died there.
It is used to express "for," "on account of," &c.
Watshithengela ni na? for what (or why) did he buy it ?
NOTE 1.—Tsho, forms the objective in lo=tsholo.
(4). Causative. Derived from the simple form by inserting is before the final vowel.
It is used,
1. In extending the action to a second agent.
2. It implies helping to do a thing.
3. It implies energy, thoroughness, in the action.
Zwa, feel, &c.; zwisa, cause to feel.
Bema, snuff; bemisa, cause to (give, help to) snuff.
Bopha, bind ; bophisa, cause to bind ; bophisisa, bind thoroughly.
NOTE 1. —The causative form of verb may constitute a true translation of, or stand for a word quite different from, that denoted by the simple form.
Goduka, go home ; godusa, send home. Suka, go away ; susa, take away.
NOTE 2.—Simple verbs ending in la form their causatives in za.
Some ending in ka make their causative ending in sa (vt sup.)
Vela, come from ; veza, bring forth, &c.
Sondela, come near ; sondeza, bring near.
(5). Reflective. Derived from the simple form by inserting zi (see Pronoun) before the root. It denotes that the action of the verb is upon the subject.
Wazibulala, he killed himself.
(6). Reciprocal. Derived from the simple form by adding na to the root. It may be used with either a singular or plural pronoun.
Nilinga naye, or tilingana, we are equals.
(7). Frequentative. The root is reduplicated to imply frequent or continuous action.
2—VOICES OF VERBS.
The active voice is seen in the foregoing examples, and the passive voice is formed by inserting w—(o) before the final vowel of the root. in the active voice.
Uku thanda, to love ; uku thandwa, to be loved.
NOTE 1.—Monosyllabic verbs form the passive in iw, as tsho, speak ; tshiwo, spoken.
NOTE 2.—Those verbs which were originally (in Zulu) vowel verbs (see chap. II. 3. (21.), but are disyllabic in Ngoni, also insert iw to form the passive.
EXAMPLE. Uku yiba, to steal ; uku yibiwa, to be stolen. „
NOTE 3.—The reflective, reciprocal, and subjective forms, from the nature of their signification, can have no passive voice.
NOTE 4.—Refer to 2. (2) Note 1. ante.
3—MOODS OF VERBS.
There are five moods, or modes in which the action of the verb may take place, viz.:-
1. Imperative. The 2nd person singular of the verb in this mood exhibits the root of the verb. To form the plural, add ni to the singular. If the verb is monosyllabic yi is prefixed to the root for both singular and plural.
Bopha, bind thou ; bophani, bind ye.
Yizwa, hear thou ; yizwani, hear ye (from zwa).
2. Infinitive. The root preceded by uku. Uku thanda, to love. Krapf says "The sign or particle of the infinitive is [uku]. It appears to us very improper to write [ukuthanda] as if it were one word, but [uku thanda], as in English " to love." At all events the lexicographer and grammarian must separate the particle from the verb when writing, for foreigners who wish to learn [Ngoni], whereas the natives know how to pronounce their mother-tongue, and may write and read [ukutanda] as one word if they choose. We must never forget the difference between a grammar and a translation."....(Swahili-English Dictionary).
3. Indicative. This mood is used in making any unconditional statement, or in describing any unconditional action. Ex. Ngibona, I see.
4. Subjunctive. This mood is used in making conditional statements. It expresses also, uncertainty, and is used as a polite imperative.
Ngihambe, that I may go.
Ngihambe, let me go.
5. Potential. This mood is expressive of permission, possibility, conditionality, liberty, and obligation. There is no real potential mood, but the idea of mental ability to do anything is commonly expressed by means of uku yazi, to know, followed by the infinitive of the principal verb ; and physical ability may be expressed by uku ba, to be, and na, with, followed by amandhla, to be with strength, and the infinitive of the principal verb.
Ngiyazi uku lemba, I know to write—I can write.
Nginamandhla ukugamula, I have strength (am able) to hew (trees).
Nga and nge in this mood are derivatives of the same verb uku nga, to wish. Nga, denotes the possibility or probability ; and nge the propriety and expediency of the action taking place.—(Colenso).
4—TENSES OF THE VERB.
There are three tenses to denote the time in which an action takes place, viz. :—present, past, and future ; and there are three forms for each of these to denote the state of the action, viz. :— indefinite or incomplete, progressive and perfect or complete.
The indicative mood may contain these nine forms, but general usage does not require that each mood should possess that number. Compound tense forms may readily be formed, but such a full statement of the verb has not been found to be in common use, and so only those forms found in general use are noted. Attention to the subject has not enabled us to give a fuller statement of the verb.
1. Present indefinite. It expresses what is true at all times, and also a present act only.
2. Present progressive. It denotes that the action continues.
3. Present perfect. It denotes an action just completed, or one whose consequences still remain. Hence this form is frequently used in the formation cf adjectives.
4. Past indefinite. Expresses what was formerly true, but is no longer so. In this it differs from the present perfect.
5. Past progressive. Like the present it affirms continuance.
6. Past perfect. It denotes that the action was completed at a definite past time.
7. Future immediate.
8. Future indefinite.-
These two forms 7 and 8 are used promiscuously.
A future progressive and future perfect may be formed by using an auxiliary verb, but are not in general use.
NOTE I.—It is to be noted that we do not find in the native tongue equivalents for all the English tenses of a verb. Take for instance the past progressive indicitive mood, " I was going," there is a proper tense form which makes use of an adverb and either a present or a past tense. Kadi ngihamba, I was going —then (long. ago) I going. Kadi nihambile, then I have gone—I had gone. In like manner other tenses are formed, but it is not to be regarded as a distinct tense form.
The formation of participles is the same as in Zulu, but frequently the ordinary tense forms are used as participles. The infinitive (verbal) noun is very frequently used, corresponding to English infinitives ending in ing.
There are two conjugations, viz., positive and negative. The negative is indicated by various changes in the positive which may readily be observed on referring to the scheme of verb.
CHAPTER X OF INTRODUCTORY GRAMMAR OF THE NGONI
NGONI AUXILIARY VERBS.
1. Ukuba, to be. This is the most important auxiliary verb, as by its use the compound tenses of the verb are constructed.This verb is irregular in its conjugation, and is only used in the following forms :—
1. Present indicative. The root does not appear at all, and the pronouns subjective designate "I am," "He is," &c., &c. It may be used with nouns, pronouns, or adjectives and adverbs, thus :—
Ngingumuntu, I am a person.
Unguye, he is he.
-ng is the copula or verb substantive used with nouns and pronoun
Ngifile, I am dead.
Ngimnyama, I am black.
used with adjectives.
Ngiphezulu, I am high up.
Ngikhona, I am present.
used with adverbs.
NOTE.—By using the verb "to be" in this way many verbs may be formed.
2. Perfect indicative. Used in forming compound tenses of verb.
NOTE. —Waba may be heard ; it is probably a past tense form.
2. Ukuya, to go. The present and past (or perfect) tenses are used as auxiliaries.
NOTE.—Waye is frequently supplanted in speech by wae.
3. Ukuza, to come. It is used in constructing one of the forms- of the future indicative, and has the force of an imminent or immediate tense. "I am about to," &c.
4. The auxiliary ukuba, to be, is used with the preposition na, with, to construct a verb "to have," and this verb is used to form adjectives.
Ngina-, I have ; Nginembuzi, I have a goat.
Una, thou hast; Unomusa, thou hast mercy— thou art merciful.
In like manner other tenses may be used.
5. Ng- the substantive verb "it is" is used as the copula with - nouns and pronouns. It is also used after passive, or subjective verbs, active voice, with the agent of the verb, but it may be omitted in the latter case
TABLE OF COPULA WITH NOUNS AND PRONOUN'S.
COPULA WITH NOUN
COPULA WITH PRONOUN
Ngimi It is I
Ngithi It is we,
Nguwe It is thou
Ngilina, It is ye
Ngumuntu , It is a person.
Ngabantu it is people.
It is it;
It is they
Ngumuti it is a tree.
Ngimiti it is trees
Ngimbuzi it is a goat
Ngizimbuzi it is goats
Ngitshihlangu it is a shield
Ngivihlangu it is shields
Ngilizwi it is a word.
Ngamazwi it is words
Ngiwo or ngawo
Nguluti it is a rod.
Ngizinti It is rods
Ngukudhla it is food.
NOTE 1.—The copula ng- is to be noted as differing from the preposition nga which denotes the instrument, while ng- denotes the agent.
Wabulawa ngumuti, he was killed by a tree.
Watshibulala ngomuti, he killed it with a tree.
NOTE 2.—If the copula is used in such a sentence as, It is he who came, nguye owabuya is the correct form ; but, He is the person who came, the personal pronoun subjective is required before the copula as, Ungumuntu owabuya or unguye umuntu owabuya.
Ungubani? Who art thou ?
Lingilizwi, it is a voice.
Tshingukudhla, it (the thing) is food. But the personal pronoun is frequently omitted.
NOTE 3. -The negative of the above is formed by prefixing asi, it is not.=asinguye asiye}It is not he.
NGONI AUXILIARY PARTICLES.
There are certain particles which are used with verbs and modify their meaning and serve instead of some English adverbs. They are derived from verbs.
The following are in use :-
1. Sa, is used before the verb root, and means,
(1) In positive conjugation, still, yet, then, while, &c., according to the context. Continuance of action is expressed by it. It is generally used with the present tense and present participle.
Ngisakhuluma, I still speak.
Wamuka, ngisadhla, he went away while I was eating (I still eating).
(2). In negative conjugation, no more, any longer, again, &c.
Angisayikubuya, I will come no more.
Angisathandi, I do not any longer love.
1. Se, is used before the pronominal verbal prefix, and has a variety of meanings.
(1). Already, now, then, &c., marking the commencement or completion of the action of the verb.
(2). At this time, at that time, when, &c. It is used before pronouns whose initial letter is not the vowel u.
3. So, signifies the same things as se, but is used with pronouns which have u. It is merely a euphonic difference, and not a difference of derivation or meaning.
Sengiyahamba, now I am going.
Souhambile na ? or Sohambile na ? has he now gone
Mungadhla inyama setifikile ekhaya, you can eat flesh when we arrive at home.
4. Ka, is used in the negative forms of tenses, and expresses that the action is not now, or was not then completed, at the time Of speaking. It may be translated by not yet.
Ungakafiki, he has not yet arrived.
Ngafika, bengakafiki, I arrived, they not having yet arrived = I arrived before them.
5. Ake, is used with the subjunctive mood, and may be spoken. where in English we would say " please," as in making apology for troubling one in moving to another position.
Ake ngiphume, excuse my going out, or please let me go out, &c.
6. Ke, is used in commencing or ending a sentence, meaning, and so, and then, so, then, &c.
Ngafikake, so I arrived, or and then I arrived.
7. Phela, is used like ke, and may mean indeed, quite so, &c.
Nitsho phela, I indeed say.
8. Buya, from the verb, to return (Ngoni=come) means " then," &c.
Wafika, wabuya walala, he arrived and then he slept.
9. Funa, means to be on the point of doing anything. It means also "lest" (with subjective mood).
Ufuna kufa, he is just dying.
Bamba funa uwe, grasp lest you fall.
10. Ukuthi, means to be so, or to do so, as is afterwards explained in the context.
Kwathi, ngolunye usuku wawa pansi, it was so, one day he fell clown.
Wathi, wabulala umuntu, and he killed a man.
Ukuthi is also used in describing sounds, &c., as Kwathi go ! it sounded go. It is also used in counting, e.g., Izinkomo zami zithi (holding up so many fingers), my cattle are so many.
Ukuthi is the verb to say, and is used for " to wit," " that," &c.
Wakhuluma, wathi, lie spoke and said.
Watsho ukuthi, he said, to wit (or that).
1. Au! wonder, sympathy, anger, according to tone of voice.
2. Hau! strong displeasure.
3. Maye ! grief.
4. Erere yehe! sympathy.
Each clan has a war cry of its own; and each district has a set of interjections common, in great measure, only there.
The native swears by some ancestral spirit, or very commonly by " tshibaya" (the cattle fold—i.e., where the last chief is buried) ; women swear by their husbands names or those of some male relation.Thanks are expressed by saying, "Yebo, Jele," if, the chief is addressed, Jele being his clan name, or name of praise (tshibongo). In like manner any one is thanked by saying yebo together with his name of praise.
(Europeans are thanked in this way—Yebo satshira. We were asked for our name of praise, and on telling them that we had none, we were asked how we thanked any one. By saying "thank you," we replied, so they caught the words thank you and satshira is what they make of them).