tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-86128762610466404142024-03-06T05:32:19.666+00:00NGONI PEOPLESamuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.comBlogger110125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-40064292472265988692021-03-17T20:21:00.003+00:002021-03-17T20:21:53.382+00:00The Essence of The Pilgrimage of Incwala - by Rodney Tingo-Kanyama<p> THE ESSENCE OF THE PILGRIMAGE OF INCWALA</p><p>A perspective from a Nguni of Gomani Ngcamane Maseko</p><p>By Rodney Sigidi Tingo-Kanyama Nzunga, Blantyre, Malawi.</p><p>Submitted on March 2, 2021</p><p>INTRODUCTION</p><p>It is five years since the passing of uZwangendaba Mbelwa IV, King of Ncwangeni Jele Nguni of parts of northern and central Malawi. In addition, it is twelve years since the passing of Kanjedza Gomani IV, King of Ngcamane Maseko Nguni of parts of central and southern Malawi1. These were two Nguni Kings who left a permanent mark on Abenguni of Malawi, for having emulated their big brother, reigning King uNjengebaso Mphezeni IV of Ncwangeni Jele Nguni of Chipata eastern Zambia and a part of central Malawi(Mchinji). Kings Mbelwa IV and Gomani IV were both inspired by King Mphezeni IV in taking big and bold actions aimed at bringing back the ever living Nguni memory among their people, which has been so evident since 2008.</p><p>This paper, however is not about the Nguni Kings of Malawi, or Zambia either, but rather a reflection on the ancient Nguni Observance called iNcwala, especially as done by the Mphezeni’s Nguni, which in a normal year should have been officially opened on Thursday 25th February, 2021. This year however, His Royal Highness King Mphezeni IV took the decision to decree the cancellation of the public ceremony, just because of the prevailing covid 19 crisis affecting the whole global world. Just last year in 2020, King Mbelwa V decreed the cancellation of his people’s yearly uMthetho Ceremony. So did King Mswathi Gomani V for his Ngcamane Maseko Ngunis’ uMhlangano omkhulu. This is the first time in recent Nguni memory when anything like this ever has happened. It is a crisis indeed, a time to see things differently. It is time to look enzansi, down south east as our ancestors did in times of personal or collective crises. We reflect on iNcwala with the heart of a pilgrim.</p><p>INCWALA SE IGWABULIWE! INCWALA OPENED</p><p>The Incwala form as observed by Mphezeni Nguni of Chipata2 Zambia was revived in 1980 during the reign of uMphezeni III. Before then, it was last observed in 1898 during the reign of uMphezeni ka Zwangendaba (aka Mphezeni I), and was then banned for the next eighty two years until its revival in 1980. Mphezeni III slept on 11th June, 1981, and as such there was no Incwala in February 1982. But in June of that year, Mtwanakosi(Crown Prince) uNjengebaso entered ubukhosi(Kingship), and he presided over his first Incwala on 25th February, 19833. It has gone uninterrupted for the last thirty -eight years till now, thanks to the corona virus epidemic.</p><p>Mphezeni Nguni kingdom is a migrant nation which exists very far from the original home of Abenguni. It has a character of its own. The iNcwala was revived after many years without one. Final preparations and the actual festivities happen during the months which in the older days, the Nguni</p><p>1 It should be noted that using the criterion of traditional authority, Mbelwa’s Nguni are located in Mzimba district in north Malawi, and in Ntchisi, Dowa, Kasungu, Lilongwe, and Nkhotakota districts in central Malawi; Gomani Nguni are located in Ntcheu, Dedza, and Lilongwe districts in central Malawi, and in Balaka, Machinga, Mangochi, Blantyre, Thyolo, Chiradzulo, Mwanza, and Neno districts in south Malawi.</p><p>2 Formerly known as Fort Jameson, (J. A Barnes, “Politics in a changing Society).</p><p>3 Matshakaza B. Lukhero, “Ngoni Nc’wala Ceremony”,. Published in Lusaka page 29.</p><p>who crossed the Zambezi called Impala, Inkokoni, and Impuso4. Using the modern calendar, we can roughly translate that preparations begin during end-December(Impala). Then in January(Inkokoni) the preparations are in full momentum. During February, meetings can only take place during the first two weeks to conclude the preparations before the Festivals begin, depending on the moon’s position, and the Zambian national calendar of event). We can safely conclude that the month of Incwala for Nguni of Mphezeni is “Impuso” the weeks just between February and March. It is no coincidence or guess work. In the regions of Malawi, and Zambia, we taste the first crops around this period. Circumstances being different then from the situation in Eswathini and South Africa, the processes may have more such divergences</p><p>We can state that iNcwala has three faces: the inner soul face which resides inside people’s hearts; the inner enclosures face (emagumeni) where so much behind the scenes actions happen; and the outer (public) face. It can be argued that what most people know as iNcwala is what is seen in the public face, and it is only one percent of the whole. The ninety -nine percent is what happens in faces of the inner soul, and the inner enclosures. The author cannot claim authority to discuss details competently. Much work is about imisebenzi, a certain order of doing things best left to traditionally certified experts and Omphakathi5.</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="266" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/wMfFg9mJgB4" width="320" youtube-src-id="wMfFg9mJgB4"></iframe></div><br /><p><br /></p><p>In terms of organization, there are generally two types, one being the main organizing committee, and we can argue that its focus tends to be the public outer face of iNcwala. Then there is the team which focuses on the correctness of whatever happens in the inner enclosures. Order must be followed to the last detail, and no recklessness is tolerated in handling matters. The King and the whole Nation go through a renewal process, a time to respond to the Nguni calling again from Nkulunkulu.</p><p>The organization of the public face, events is orderly. The committee appointed is headed by ordinary Nguni citizens who are shortlisted and recruited for their competence in handling events with such a magnitude. Report meetings are organized in council at kaGogo (KwaGogo, eMtenguleni ka Sosela, Matriarch village of Queen Sosela, Great Wife of Jele Nguni Patriarch King, Zwangendaba, mother of Nthuto Mphezeni)6. While the committee is present, representatives from all izibaya (regimental villages) attend too. The representatives include some elders and abamlumnzana(village headmen). The Amakhosi(Zibaya, territorial chiefs) are also in attendance. Some key non-traditional stakeholders also attend, such as local government authorities, health, security, and business personnel. It is a standard set up to encourage everyone to be an active participant. The King himself regularly and personally attends these meetings.</p><p>4 Margaret Read, “Children of their fathers- growing up among The Ngoni of Nyasaland”. Page 123. Copyright Margaret Read 1959, Yale University Press, 1960. It should be noted that the Nguni nations which crossed Zambezi had their own names for the months of a year. The whole year was covered in thirteen months. Margaret translates the third month of “Impuso” as “when first crops are tasted” which according to the situation in Malawi/Zambia/Mocambique corresponds with the last weeks of February and the first week of March.</p><p>5 Courtesy Thabethe Gift Ndengu, Original founding member for Mzimba Heritage, and Co-Administrator, Amasiko Abenguni. “Mphakati” suggests Inner circle, more about confidentiality rather than mere exclusiveness</p><p>6 Matshakaza B. Lukhero, Ngoni Nc’wala, page 30; J A. Barnes, “Politics in a changing Society- a political history of the Fort Jameson Ngoni”, 14-21. The Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, 1954.</p><p>The Great Festival itself is traditionally officially opened at the next full moon in February(Impuso). In the olden days, the days of the week would not matter. However, with the change of Nguni society, as being a part of the modern Zambian republican, and with new stakeholders to make room for, Kugwabula Incwala 7(official opening) always happens on the Thursday morning of the appointed date, usually within the last two weeks of February. The honour to lead this detail is with Induna ka Gogo, Induna of the King’s Grandmother village, Inkosi Madzimawe (Manzimabi)8. Regiments perform iNgoma at the King’s palace of Ekuphendukeni. Then a party arrives to present the first fruits to the King, consisting of uselwa(maswela, gourd/a type of pumpkin), nhlobo(green maize), and imfe (mamphenga, nsinde, a sweet cane in the family of sorghum and millet)9.</p><p>Abonina (elderly women) call out: uMphezeni phuma uhambe! Phuma (come out!) wena ka Libandla lika Nsingu(you of the Council/Army of Nsingu, son of Mphezeni). Hamba wena ka Nthuto Mphezeni(go you of Nthuto Mphezeni)10.The King comes out fully dressed in lion skins to receive them while izimbongi(praise singers) recite the King’s Royal Zwangendaba Jele isibongo and izithakazelo( clan and individual reputational poem) The King enters back into his palace. The process of uKuluma is completed. Then he comes out again to be escorted by a convoy and regiments about twenty five kilometers away to kaGogo at eMtenguleni where everything else to do with iNcwala happens. It is such a spectacle to see the King’s convey drive past the Chipata municipality, with many people lining up, and state security detail in full employment.</p><p>As the King arrives at his kaGogo Royal retreat, he is received by traditional amabutho(regimental warriors) in full ancient Nguni regalia. They all get into trance performing ingoma. The King comes out from his vehicle, and is immediately led to each regiments to perform ukuhlola (inspection). When this is finished, the King is escorted to the retreat house, called eLawini11. It is usually around 4 and 5 p.m when this happens. Some guests are already seated at the podium just next to the King’s retreat house. There is plenty of talking and catching up to do. The King might be seen. INcwala time is a time for the King to observe mzilo(abstinence). Generally it is a quite evening, except for the market areas where so much music, dancing go, and other kinds of merry making go.</p><p>The second day, Friday can truly be called the “iNcwala Day”. The King and his royal guests, mainly other traditional authorities from far and near, Nguni or not, and other leaders, are treated to a day long of izingoma performances. It is an unforgettable event. On the third day, the Saturday, ingoma continues to happen. It is also the day when the King receives the highest elected official guests such as the republican presidents from within Zambia, and their guests, brother-presidents or vice-presidents.</p><p>7 Hilda Kuper, An African Aristocracy, page 203</p><p>8 “Madzimawe” is the corruption of the Nguni phrase, “amanzi”(water) “amabi”(filth/bad). In the Nguni form, it should read “Manzimabi”. Inkosi Madzimawe is fondly called “Gogo”. The Chinyanja translation of “gogo” is “grandparent”, male or female. In Nguni languages however, it has a specific meaning for “Grand mother”. But Inkosi Madzimawe, even though a male person, is “uGogo”. This is because in his traditional role, he is of the Indlunkulu(Big House) of the Queen Mother of Mphezeni, which was eMtenguleni.</p><p>9 AT. Bryant, “The Zulu people- as they were before the white man came”, page 512, Shuter and Shooter, 1949; Matshakaza B. Lukhero, “The Ngoni Nc’wala Ceremony, page 16. Published in Lusaka Zambia. It is interesting to note the use of “maswela” in Lukhero’s book as opposed to “uselwa” in Bryant’s book reflecting the evolution of Isinguni among Ngunis who crossed Zambezi river.</p><p>10 Author’s additional lines, as inspired by the King’s praises and ingoma performances</p><p>11 Margaret Read records this word as “Laweni”. It is also in common use among Mphezeni Nguni. However, sharing notes with Mphezeni Nguni key researcher and analyst, Douglas Mwale (Gumbi Kaziguda) has recommended the use of “Lawini”</p><p>It is the author’s view that this day culminates in two events, namely, the Nguni regimental two kilometer march to the Isikhundla(arena) where guests wait to see Inkosi ya Makosi. The sight of at least a thousand amabutho marching and performing giya12 and in chorus with Ingwenyama amongst them, only tends to take one down the memory lane to when Abenguni north of the Zambezi crossed the mighty river and made it to these parts of the world. It has a lasting effect on your psyche. The King has been in seclusion, making a deep connection with the Most High. It is such a heavy burden to be King. The whole Nguni nation must join him in celebrating.</p><p>Then at the arena itself, Ukuhlaba nzima13(stabbing the black bull) is carefully done by a man set apart for this function. This black bull is given as umnikelo(offering). Ulubende(raw blood) is quickly collected for the King to complete the process. Induna yendlu le Nkosi(the Royal House Induna)14 oversees the roasting of isibindi (liver). In the Nguni tradition, isibindi(liver) symbolizes the much desired quality of any Nguni, chutzpah, grit, resilience, courage, the daring spirit. It can easily be understood why the roasted liver is cut up into pieces and taken first to the King and then passed on to a cross-section of his high level guests.</p><p>The rest of the day ends with speeches by some selected leaders of the Kingdom, and the guest politicians and presentation of gifts to the King. The event closes by around 3 p.m. In the evening a Royal dinner is hosted for the King and some of his guests. In some cases, there are live band performances by such diverse artists as Zambia’s Sakala brothers, Angela Nyirenda, and Malawi’s Lucius Banda in Chipata city. Everyone will have returned home by Sunday.</p><p>INCWALA OLD NGUNI TRADITION? THEN HOW ABOUT NGUNI OF MBELWA, GOMANI, ZINTAMBILA, TANZANIA, SOCHANGANE, MZILIKAZI?</p><p>The author suggests that all Nguni nations and people have experienced displacements in some form, especially with regard to their locations. It is worse for the present day northern Nguni nations of Sochangane in southern Mocambique, Mzilikazi in Zimbabwe, and farther north, of Zintambila in Angonia Mocambique, Gomani and Mbelwa in Malawi, Mphezeni in Chipata Zambia and Njelu-Mhlophe(Njelu-Mshope)15 Nguni of Tanzania.</p><p>As these northern Nguni nations were migrating, they were being recreated into various forms suffice to say, because of new experiences, assimilations with other cultures, disruptions of constant war scenarios, and eventually the changing society and the resultant new dominant thoughts. These Abenguni groups hardly have had time to revive the iNcwala tradition in a consistent way. There is evidence though that some processes have been maintained though, but hardly any evidence of the</p><p>12 Traditional Nguni performance. It is usually done by an individual warrior with his weapons. It can be compared to kata forms in karate.</p><p>13 Author’s Nguni selected word for “ kuhlaba inkhunzi yomnyama( slaughtering the black bull). It is interesting to note that Baba Matshakaza Blackson Lukhero uses the word “incwamba” for the same. It is important to note that the author assumes that “Nzima/Mnyama” stands for “darkness”, which can be a state of melancholy or potential calamity. However, Nguni analyst Simao Chatepa holds the view that the “black bull” of Abenguni symbolizes originality of life, something like the Genesis story in the Jewish Bible, a static state</p><p>14 Author’s personal Nguni suggested words.</p><p>15 Patrick M. Redmond, “A political History of the Songea Ngoni from the mid-nineteenth Century to the rise of the Tanganyika African National Union, Proquest, pages 59-89</p><p>practice of the whole ceremony as we know it. The Nguni of Sochangane16, Mzilikazi, Zintambila, Gomani, Mbelwa, and Njelu-Mhlophe do not do iNcwala in their domains. There is simply no institutional memory and precedent in these Kingdoms. However, old writings by anthropologists such as Margaret Read and Barnes indicate that some old Nguni of Gomani and Mbelwa in the 1930s still remembered something of iNcwala17.</p><p>We are therefore very fortunate that Nguni of Mphezeni have kept this tradition. Though once banned by the British in 1898, it was finally revived. At its revival in the 1980s it must have been largely a local Zambian event. With the political changes of 1990s in both Zambia and Malawi from one party to multi-party democracies, it has become more open. Mphezeni Nguni of Malawi attend in multitudes. Over time, King Mbelwa of Mzimba too has made a number of trips to observe the Ncwala. King Kanjedza Gomani did not live long enough to make the pilgrimage to Ncwala, but thanks to his direction and the efforts of his close aide, a Nguni elder called Impi Charles Govati, Maseko Nguni of Malawi18 and Mocambique are high on the list of pilgrims to iNcwala of Mphezeni. Notable among them are the Zintambila Maseko Royal house of Mocambique, several senior members of the Gomani Maseko Royal House including King Mswathi Gomani V himself, and Mgazi Maseko Nguni royal family of South Africa19.</p><p>Other international high profile dignitaries have also been guests at iNcwala, such as Nxamalala Msholozi His Excellency Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma while he was South Africa’s Deputy President. King Zwelithini’s Chief Induna, Thulasizwe Shenge Inkosi Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi too, has visited.</p><p>There is little doubt that King Mphezeni’s iNcwala is a big force in Southern Africa in many other ways. It is a big event which facilitates many commercial activities. It attracts wide media publicity, and is a big tourist attraction. In some other way, at an arts and museum center called Kungoni at Mua, Dedza in central Malawi, the Zambian ingoma hlombe style performance has been perfectly mastered by the dance troupe composed of mainly Maseko Ngunis and Chewa.</p><p>There is yet no evidence of will to revive iNcwala in the other northern Nguni Kingdoms. Perhaps the Mzilikazi Kingdom of Ndelebes in Zimbabwe might be the first to do it when it has been properly recognized as a Kingship. In the Shangaan areas, there is no evidence of will. In Gomani’s kingdom, they do Mhlangano at the grave of King Gomani ka Tshikuse Maseko who was killed by the British in 1896. In Mbelwa’s Kingdom they do uMthetho at Hola Mountain, the scene of a tragic punitive war against rebelling Baza Dokowe.</p><p>In Tanzania, it is Government policy not to recognize kingships. However the Njelu-Mhlophe Nguni celebrate Maji maji, the tragic war with German forces in the 1800s which cost Nguni lives. All these</p><p>16 Consultations with Baba Simao Hodges Chatepa. It is important to note that though the Shangaan people of Mocambique do not have a King,and therefore cannot celebrate Incwala, Baba Simao mentions Portuguese records which document that founder of the Gasa(Shangaan) Kingdom, Sochangane held Incwala in the 1820s.</p><p>17 Margaret Read, “Ngoni of Nyasaland”, pages</p><p>18 Impi Charles Govati appears courtesy of Gomani Amangcamane Trust. In more ways than can be stated, the author owes much of his lifetime journey in ubunguni to Baba Govati who has tirelessly mentored, reprimanded, and sponsored him on countless occasions. The author constantly consults Impi Govati on matters of ubunguni. Baba Govati introduced the author to many illustrious Nguni. He also led the author to the kraal of King Mphezeni, and introduced him to the royal house of Mdlasomi ka Khophoza ka Mgazi ka Khabangobe ka Maphanga, Ngcamane Maseko Nguni of South Africa. And he recommended the author to the Friends of Kungoni. Let alone the author’s personal benefits, it is hard to imagine how Ngcamane Maseko Nguni history would have been developed without the individual efforts of Baba Charles Govati.</p><p>19 Revival of Maseko Ngoni records.</p><p>events are not equivalent to iNcwala though, but unique to the individual kingdoms, just as Shaka Day and Isandlwana are unique to Amazulu or if HRH King Mphezeni decreed that there will be Nsingu Day every year20. Since, iNcwala is the common tradition to all Nguni nations, it has sometimes been suggested that all northern Nguni Kingships with particular emphasis to those of Mbelwa and Gomani must do their own iNcwala. The thrust of the traditionalists’ recommendation is that just as ultimately each person must bear his own burdens, each Nguni King can only fully observe his own Incwala21. How exactly that would be done or when it will be decided to be done, can only be the prerogative of the Royal Seats and their Councils of Amakhosi, and not for their obedient servant like the author. They could do it in a rather small localized way. It does make sense to do at least the first fruits/crops process.</p><p>SIGNIFICANCE OF INCWALA</p><p>We now come to the critical question: what is the point of maintaining the Incwala tradition at all? Is it a relic of the past, irrelevant to the times we are in, or perhaps a Chipata Zambia Nguni, Eswathini, and Kwazulu matter and not for other Ngunis? The author is of the view that the Incwala spirit must be kept alive always, as discussed below:</p><p>Ubumbano(Unification)22. Ubunguni(Nguni life) thrives on our living collective memory, where we have come from, where we are, and where we are going. This is done mainly through izibongo(praises) and izingoma(Nguni singing). It is not about living in the past, but always being mindful of the power of precedents. At Incwala, Abenguni come together to observe their common destiny23. We are renewed and refocused as a people. There is a good reason why the British colonialists frowned on iNcwala and why the African Governments of Zambia and Malawi (one-party) might have some reservations about it. We cannot ignore the power of our living memories.</p><p>Kunyathela24. First fruits. The spirit of gratitude is admirable in any human being of any colour, creed or religion. Nothing wrong with Abenguni giving thanks in the way they know best.</p><p>Zambezi crossing. This is unique to Abenguni of Zwangendaba(Mphezeni and Mbelwa) and Ngwana Maseko (Gomani, Zintambila, Kachindamoto). Crossing the Zambezi was a permanent change of our circumstances. It was a sort of crisis moment, an entry into very unfamiliar territories, an uncertain future. Some Ngunis must have wished they returned back home where their life experience was more familiar, more predictable, and therefore more secure. But the Leadership decided that there was never going to be any looking back. They pressed on to break new ground (vul’indlela), to pursue the dreams “Amaphupho”25 Incwala revives this memory of great change. It takes a new meaning this year with the covid 19 crisis. Economies have been disrupted. Just how shall we face the many problems as Abenguni?</p><p>20 Matshakaza Blackson Lukhero, “The Ngoni Nc’wala Ceremony”, page 14. Matshakaza writes the sonname of the son of Mphezeni as “Nsingo”, a militant Crown Prince who went to war with the British.</p><p>21 Revival of Maseko Ngoni (Gomani Amangcamane Trust) briefings</p><p>22 Revival of Maseko Ngoni and Mgazi Ngcamane Maseko Nguni Council (South Africa) records.</p><p>23 O. F Raum, “The Interpretation Of The Nguni First Fruits Ceremony</p><p>24 Matshakaza B. Lukhero, page 4; AT Bryant, The Zulus before the white men came to them”</p><p>25 Y. M. Chibambo, “My Ngoni of Nyasaland”, Lutterworth Press, United Society for Christian Literature, page 24. This book was translated by Rev. Charles Stuart from the original Tumbuka version“Midauko, Makani gha Wangoni”, authored by the same Rev. Yesaya Mlonyeni Chibambo. In his book, the word is translated as “Mapupo”. The author received his copy as a present from late Mr. Frank Johnson as encouragement in pursuing knowledge of ubunguni.</p><p>Nzima26. The black bull that is slain at Incwala and everything detailed process about this tradition is a constant reminder of the pain of leadership for the King and for Sizwe sonke sabenguni(Nguni nation). It is not for the King alone. It is like Jacob when he wrestled with the delegated of the Most High, throughout the night27. He went away limping, but with the prize of blessings, and a new name Israel. The slaying of the black bull is about facing the Giants in our lives, “Amaf’omnyama” (Dark clouds) we must wrestle with: How will we govern our society and solve its problems? Ubunguni, as Amavulindlela(the founders of Nguni nations) lived, is not for the fainthearted. It is not about performing Ingoma at Incwala and that’s it, “sala kahle Baba, zobonana next year!”. When Incwala se imbonyiwe28 it is ended, the real life begins, everyday life! Real test of ubunguni.</p><p>Theme of coexistence with others. Modern day Incwala is never for Abenguni alone. Many guests are received. In fact it is put in the republican national calendar of events. In any case, Abenguni do not exist and live in closed systems. Former President of Malawi, Prof. Peter Mutharika once said “it is important for Ngoni people to celebrate their culture. But they must remember to co-exit with others”29. As a people who have gone through many cycles of both the triumph of conquests and the trauma of defeats, Abenguni tend to risk being self-centred, and sometimes our collective psyche is exposed to various negative energies and toxic narcissism30. The renewal spirit of Incwala takes us into the opposite direction, to embrace humanity with the spirit of practical ubunthu(Umunthu)31. The world of today is not about tribal groups. It is our opportunity now to contribute to the building of our nations and the SADC region, together.</p><p>CONCLUSION: LIBANDLA LA MADLOZI (CONCIL OF ANCESTORS)</p><p>It’s time for ukugolozela, (contemplation) when each person has to contemplate and connect with spirituality. The historical fate of the African in the last four hundred years is that he was subdued in two ways, slavery and then colonization. Colonization is well familiar to Abenguni, but anyone suggesting that Abenguni were taken into slavery are not dealing with truth appropriately. However, the effects are the same, all about losing what we value, and displacement. Since four hundred years ago then, we have experienced change in Nguni economic lives, education, and religion.</p><p>It is like being summoned to participate in the Council of Ancestors (Libandla la Madlozi)32, with all kings of olden times present, and the present ones too. A diverse kind of people are in attendance too, including surprisingly people of distant races. There is a chilling silence until the Chief Induna instructs a Holocaust survivor to address the Council. The holocaust survivor does not turn to the Kings but instead turns to the person summoned, and says: “adversity has run you down, and you cannot rise above it by finding meaning in giving service to humanity”33. As the words sink down the mind, and after give the Royal salute, many thoughts run through: modern education is an advantage, and Abenguni, old and young, cannot think twice about seeking it. No one in the world can claim originality in knowledge and skills. It is always about learning from others and owning it.</p><p>26 Author’s Nguni selected word for “inkhunzi yomnyama(black bull).</p><p>27 Rabbi Zalman Schachter-Shalomi with Joel Segel, “Jewish with Feeling”, page 192.</p><p>28 Margaret Read, “The Ngoni of Nyasaland”, page 61. International African Institute, Oxford University Press. In the early 1930s, Margaret Read lived for three years among the Nguni of Nyasaland(Ngcamane Maseko Nguni of Ntcheu and Mocambique, and of Mbelwa, Mzimba) and of Mphezeni Jele, Chipata Zambia. He research assistant was the Rev. Y.M Chibambo.</p><p>29 Author’s personal reminiscence of Press report.</p><p>30 Robert Greene, “The Laws of Human Nature”, profile books, pages 42-71</p><p>31 Chiwoza Bandawe, “Practical Umunthu Philosophy, Montfort Press, page 19</p><p>32 Napoleon Hill, “Think and Grow Rich, pages 249-257. Revised and extended by Dr Arthur R. Pell</p><p>33 Victor Frankl, “Man’s Search For Meaning”, pages 135-184.</p><p>In religion too, many Abenguni have become Christians. Nothing wrong too, since at the heart of spirituality, all things turn to one end, Nkulunkulu who is the same for all. A true Mnguni therefore is also a worshipper, a prayer warrior. It’s not about returning to our primitive ways, and certainly not just about taking everything from others either.</p><p>It is about rediscovering ubunguni and positioning it powerfully in the modern world. It is about finding the spirit of the monkey cartoon character curious George, who was forcefully taken out of Africa, exiled, was alone, but with an ever enthusiastic spirit he makes something out of everything and every situation, just like Israel’s son, Joseph, the ultimate enterprising person. We cannot continue the vicious cycles like the countless Abenguni who are trapped in the toxic narcissistic tendencies of modern life, which at their worst have the potential to turn a whole population into a nation of psychopaths who only treat other human beings like objects when we should be taking care of one another 34. Even in displacement, we must find our way.</p><p>The memory of the Council of Amadlozi keeps coming. It is like Dlozi(Ancestor) Lion King Mufasa addressing Simba: “you have forgotten me!” Ubunguni is our true Lifa (inheritance). Perhaps by taking care of it instead of “just paying lip service”35 we might do something great about it by taking our place in the Circle of Life36. We have a choice. Nguni nations did not just happen. Likewise, Nguni history did not just happen. Success and failure do not just happen. They result from human actions. We cannot be trapped by our past. We look at the world as it is now. And yet our memories are living. We tap on the hustling spirit37 of our founders to forge our collective future, openness, determination (inkani), complete preparedness, warrior ethic, leadership, and self-reliance (ukuzithemba), and reputation(Isithunzi, shadow/Soul-force)38. Such a balancing act.</p><p>Ubunguni angeke buphele (Ungoni sungaphele)39, ubunguni cannot be perished. Abenguni angeke aphele wonke (Angoni satha onse)40, not all Abenguni die. Vuka mathambo41 ka Mavulindlela ba Sizwe sabeNguni! Vuka mathambo ka Zwide! Vuka mathambo ka Zwangendaba Jele! Vuka mathambo ka Ngwana Maseko42. Vuka mathambo ka Baba Sangwa Steven Ngoma! Vuka mathmbo</p><p>34 Daniel Goleman, “ Social Intelligence, Ne Science of Human Relationships”, pages 117-132.</p><p>35 King Gomani Kanjedza IV, Speech, Mua Cultural Open Day, 8th August, 2009. HRH Kanjedza Gomani’s reign lasted only a year, the shortest in record history, but the Nguni renaissance spirit he implanted in his people is unprecedented. His vision has made it possible for Ngcamane Maseko Nguni to properly document their history, and reconnect with Nguni of Mbelwa, Mphezeni, Zintambila, remnants of Ngcamane Maseko Nguni of Bulawayo in Zimbabwe, Njelu-Mhlophe Nguni of Tanzania, and the Mdlasomi ka Khophoza ka Mgazi ka Khabangobe ka Maphanga Ngcamane Maseko Royal House of South Africa.</p><p>36 Disney’s “The Lion King”(book and motion picture).</p><p>37 50 Cent and Robert Greene, “The 50th Law”, pages 27-68. Profile Books</p><p>38 Mike Boon, “The African Way- the power of Interactive Leadership” page 31-45. Zebra Press</p><p>39 A well proverb among Mphezeni Nguni. The author personally heard, Inkosi Mnukwa(one of King Mphezeni’s chiefs) mention it in Libandla(Council). A common feature in ingoma of Mphezeni Nguni</p><p>40 A well known proverb among Ngcamane Maseko Nguni of Malawi.</p><p>41 “Arise dry bones”, lines borrowed from “Vuka mathambo” a song by South Africa’s mbaqanga female Trio Imithente. From their album by the same name.</p><p>42 It is not uncommon to come across some Nguni groups and writers who hold the view that Gomani Maseko Nguni are a break way from King Mzilikazi ka Mashobane Khumalo founder of the Ndebele Kingdom. This view is not fully backed by historical facts. HRH Mswathi Gomani V, King of Maseko Nguni of Malawi, is a direct descendant of Ngwana Masesenyana Mnyandazizwe Maseko. An analysis of several old sources at Malawi National Archives, as well as writings of A.T Bryant, Phillip Bonner, and Mandla Maseko clearly say that Ngwana Maseko’s Nguni state originated from Usuthu(Lusuthu) Valley in Eswathini. He left around 1823 with Nxaba Nsane and Zwangenda after the Ndwandwe were defeated by Shaka Zulu. The three lived together in the Zimbabwe are before Mzilikazi arrived. Margaret Read in the 1930s recorded an isibongo(praise) for Ngwana in her short write up, Songs of Ngoni People, and in one line it says “wena oSilo, Amachamani, nge</p><p>ka Baba uLasamu Zimba! Qina43 mathambo ka Zikhulu zika Libandla ka Njengebaso Mphezeni IV Kosi! Qina mathambo ka Baba uCharles Govati ka Phumisa umlondolozi wakithi! Bayethe Inkosi ya Makhosi, uNjengebaso Mphezeni Jele! Nina bohlanga, nina bomdabuko, Amakhosi bonke bakithi, Nina ka Ndlovu. Thina Sizwe masithi Bayetheee! Nina izindaba za zitha!</p><p>Sidwaba so Luthuli”. This is rightly spelled as “Amangcamane…Sidwaba so Luthuli”, a well known isithakazelo(praise) for the Ngcamane Maseko royal clan.</p><p>43 “Qina”, stand firm..the last lines are a celebration of Nguni heroes of past and present including Baba Sangwa Ngoma, an old man whom the Mphezeni Nguni turned to as “Mlondolozi”, guide to remind them about the Way of Incwala.</p>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-32024553735414122402019-08-09T14:31:00.000+01:002019-08-09T14:53:39.775+01:00The Abenguni (AbaNgoni of Nyasaland)<div style="text-align: justify;">
Source: <a href="https://amzn.to/2MP9huY" target="_blank">South-Eastern Bantu, AbeNguni, AbaMbo, AmaLala</a></div>
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The Genealogy of their Chiefs.</div>
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Lunyanda</div>
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Magangati</div>
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1. Mlotshwa 2. Mafu</div>
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Mbekwane</div>
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1. Zwangendaba 2. Ntabeni 3. Mgayi</div>
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Mbelwa (Mombela) 2 Mpezeni (first born, not heir), 3.Mthwalo, 4. Mphelembe 5 Maulawu (Sons of Zwangendaba)</div>
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The <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngoni_people" target="_blank">AbeNguni of Nyasaland</a> migrated from Natal at the time of the disturbances of Tshaka. They had travelled southward from up-country as had the AmaXhosa, but they turned again and, retracing their steps, went north. </div>
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I have given them a place in this book because I believe they are one in origin with the Xhosas. Their name AbeNguni also decides me. As of old the name represents the tribe, and the tribe originates from some Chief whose name it bears. </div>
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It was not by accident that the Xhosas were described as Abenguni. The appellation is derived from an ancient chief of the tribe called Mnguni. </div>
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With regard to this point, Mr Fuze in his book, entitled, The Black Races (Abantu Abamnyama), says of the AmaXhosa, "The major portion of the tribe of the Chief Mnguni went westward toward the setting sun....It is the same Mnguni who was father of Xhosa, who, it would seem, was the great son of Mnguni. This tribe (AmaXhosa) has been long separated from their relatives whom they left behind (p.78). The point raised by this son of Zulu, we have referred to before. Its repetition is meant to draw attention especially to the latter part of Mr Fuze's statement. He says in brief: "The Xhosas in removing from the North (from Dedesi) left behind them a remnant of their own people, the AbeNguni in Natal." </div>
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Now we find that the people who responded to that name are the AbeNguni of Zwangendaba, and moreover the the tribe was known by that name in Natal prior to their migration northward. Evidence to this effect is found in the statements of Ntombazi, mother of Zwide. </div>
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In order to understand the point it ought to be borne in mind that Zwangendaba, Chief of the AbeNguni, had gone with his people to live under the protection of Zwide, the Chief of the AmaNdwandwe tribe. </div>
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The AmaNdwandwe were at constant war with Tshaka, often defeating him by the help of the AbeNguni. There came a day when the AmaNdwandwe were also defeated by Tshaka, whereupon Zwide withdrew with Zwangendaba to the country now described as Wakkerstrom. </div>
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There a quarrel arose between Zwide and Zwangendaba which was decided by the assegai. Zwide was defeated and made a prisoner by Zwangendaba, but after a time the latter relented, mindful of their former relations, when they fought their numerous battles together, and he released Zwide sending him home with provisions in the shape of sleek cattle. </div>
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But it would seem this act of kindness did not pacify Zwide. The scandal of his defeat embittered him, and he vowed vengeance on Zwangendaba. </div>
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The missionary of the AbeNguni in Nyasaland, Doctor Elmslie, says in his book on the history of these people:- Zwangendaba, who was one of the chief captains of Zwide, although living under Zwide, was not subject to his authority altogether. </div>
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After his quarrel with Zwide that Chief marshalled his forces seeking to revenge himself on Zwangendaba. When Zwide's impi was assembled at the Royal Kraal preparatory to marching out against Zwangendaba, Ntombazi, wife of Langa and Zwide's mother appeared and endeavoured to discontinuance the war, saying to her son "My child, would you destroy the AbeNguni? Did they not release you and send you home with many sleek cattle?" </div>
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But Zwide was not to be appeased. Upon which, Ntombazi adopted a singular course in order to remove this thought from her son's mind. In full view of the assembled host she disrobed herself and stood before them completely naked. This most unusual action startled and disconcerted the warriors who, filled with traditional superstition, regarded it as an omen of impending disaster; they were unmanned and disheartened and refused to fight. </div>
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Now for my present argument, the important point is this:- Ntombazi described the people of Zwangendaba as the AbeNguni. That was at that time quite a familiar name, nor was it casually adopted, nor yet was it given to them by other tribes like the Tongas who only heard their name in their flight northward from Shaka. </div>
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There are those who say: This name of AbeNguni originated with the Tongas when Sotshangana (Manukuza) arrived among them, fleeing from Tshaka. But Manukuza was a son of Gasa of Zwide's tribe, the AmaNdwandwe. </div>
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In seeking a new country he proceeded along the seaboard and settled in the territory beyond the Limpompo River which is now described as the country of Gasa (Gasaland). Gasa was a younger brother of Zwide. </div>
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Others again say: The tribe of Manukuza got their name from the Tongas who called them Abenguni because, as they said, the name implied that they were thieves or bandits. My reply is that Manukuza was one of the Ndwandwe tribe, which was only politically related to the tribe of Zwangendaba. </div>
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Manukuza tribe are not AbeNguni. True, in former days they were neighbours, assisting each other in their wars, but differing in tribal origin. It is reasonable to infer, therefore, that because of the familiarity of the name it also came to include the people of Manukuza. To the Tongas the name AbeNguni may be familiarly connected with thieving, but other tribes do not use in that sense. Here the tribal title is taken from a person who originated the tribe namely Mnguni.</div>
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We left Zwangendaba on unfriendly terms with Zwide, and it appeared to this son of Mbekwane that in the circumstances his present abode would not, to use a Xhosa expression, "rear him any calves." In other words, he determined to leave Zwide and look for a new country in which to settle. </div>
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At that time, these chiefs and their peoples were settled in the Wakkerstrom district, just north of Natal, where they had proved a hard nut for Tshaka to crack. </div>
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Departing thence, Zwangendaba took the road to Mzilikazi's country, with whom he was on friendly terms, and who had preceded him in his flight to the country now known as the Transvaal and settled there. He followed the coastline at a distance, then went further into the interior looking toward the setting of the sun. Arrived at Mzilikazi's place they lived on friendly terms, but only for a time. </div>
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Therefore, Zwangendaba trekked, this time turning towards the sea in search of his friends Manukuza and Mhlabawadabuka, sons of Gasa, youngest son of Langa, son of Ndwandwe. He cleared a road with the assegai, sweeping, his enemies before him, and none could stay him in his course. </div>
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He arrived there with with his following enlarged by accessions from other tribes he defeated in his course. However he did not stay long with Manukuza, for trouble arose between Manukuza and his younger brother, Mhlabawadabuka, and the latter was driven away. The latter with his following then joined Zwangendaba. </div>
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Now, people who have been accustomed to rule by the assegai and to live independently, do not easily accommodate themselves to the rule of others, which becomes irksome to them. So they separated from Manukuza, Zwangendaba while his "feet were still wet" (with travelling) parted from Manukuza together with Manukuza's younger brother, Mhlabawadabuka, making for the North. </div>
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Smaller parties broke off from them on the way up; some settled at the Sabi, others at the Zambesi. In the year 1835, Zwangendaba crossed the Zambesi near the township of Zumbo, built on the shores of the Zambezi by the Portuguese. </div>
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He forced his way until he crossed the Tshambezi, a river which precipitates itself into the Lake Bangweolo, and skirting the shores of Tanganyika entered the country of the AmaFipa. The AbeNguni of Zwangendaba having reached this country settled there, and took possession of the land for themselves. </div>
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But this tribe was still to break into two sections. Zwangendaba, whose language was outspoken and who, besides being a man of power, was loved and respected by his people, at length lost his vitality, being well on in years when he arrived among the Fipa, and he died there. He left several sons. </div>
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The sections which broke away from the AbeNguni after Zwangendaba's arrival there, were numerous. The most notable were the AmaTuta, AmaViti, AmaLavi and the AmaHehe. These tribes exercised authority over all the country north of the Zambesi and right up to Tanganyika. </div>
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There were few tribes which dared to fight with them. Inorder to understand the strength of these tribes, we must remember that the Amasai, a tribe of Hamitic origin responsible for the migration of Bantu tribes from their country at the Tana, and was powerful enough to settle among other tribes of the Bantu, is described by Mr Last as follows : "The Masai are reported to be the most powerful of the races of Central Africa, but should they ever meet the AmaHehe in a life and death struggle there would be wonders and surprises and a reshuffling of tribes, for it is not the first time the Masai have been beaten by the AmaHehe." </div>
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This tribe settled below the Ruaha, a branch of the Rufigi (A.H. Keane, Africa, Vol. II., p. 512) The AmaHehe (WaHehe) tribe in September 1891 routed a large force of Germans. It is a very savage tribe, and is a terror to any of the surrounding tribes. </div>
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And so it was with the AbeNguni, they have the capacity to live. They also know how to die like men. </div>
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Let us now follow the sections which went out from the AbeNguni of Zwangendaba, and set up tribes of their own. We have already seen that Zwangendaba died in the land of the AmaFipa, also termed the AmaSukuma. After his death, internal disputes over the succession arose and frequent battles followed. Mgayi, a younger brother of Zwangendaba, broke away with other followers, and went forth till he came to the neighbourhood of the great lake, the Victoria Nyanza. The country did not suit him, so he returned to the place where his elder brother died - the territory of the AmaSukuma.</div>
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There Mgayi died, and as successor Mpezeni, eldest son by birth of Zwangendaba, was appointed chief. But he was not the heir although the first born. Mpezeni did not satisfy the abeNguni by his administration and they deposed him, substituting Mbelwa (Mombela) who became Zwangendaba's heir in his place. So Mpezeni removed with his following, and created his own tribe.</div>
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<iframe border="0" frameborder="0" height="60" marginwidth="0" scrolling="no" src="//rcm-na.amazon-adsystem.com/e/cm?o=1&p=26&l=ur1&category=books&banner=02DH1HAS2VC2K2FAP602&f=ifr&linkID=adae7c43347d136f674c707f592a4ad9&t=learnngoni-20&tracking_id=learnngoni-20" style="border: none;" width="468"></iframe>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-49046631269122853252019-08-08T00:40:00.000+01:002019-08-08T16:38:00.057+01:00Last Battle of the AmaNdwandwe with the Help of Zwangendaba's Ngoni<div style="text-align: justify;">
Source : The South-Eastern Bantu, Abe-Nguni, Aba-mbo, Ama-Lala by John Henderson soga<br />
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<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dingiswayo" target="_blank">Dingiswayo</a>, for whom Tshaka professed great affection, was killed in a war with the AmaNdwandwe of Zwide. This tribe had often fought with Tshaka and had frequently beaten him. It was the most powerful of all the tribes that refused to become tributary to the ImiThethwa. </div>
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Tshaka, the unconquerable, had in the death of his chief found a pretext for another trial of strength with his great rival. He spoke disrepectfully of Zwide, of Ntombazi, Zwide's mother, and of Langa, Zwide's father, expecting that his expressions of contempt would be carried to the Ndwandwe chief, and his expectations were realised. </div>
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Two men of importance in Tshaka's service, Ngqwangube and Nikizwayo, were under sentence of death, and fled to Zwide. These men reported Tshaka's words to the Ndwandwe chief who sent back the following message, "Son of my old friend, why do you revile me so? Fix your spears in their shafts. I am coming."</div>
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The Ndwandwe army took the field shortly after this warning. Its immediate objective was the headquarters of Tshaka at the Gqori hills, where Tshaka had two depots of troops, namely Mbelembele and Sirebe. </div>
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The Ndwandwe warriors were commanded by Noluju, Zwide's general. When he came in sight of the Gqori, Noluju arranged his warriors in two divisions. One division he sent against the Mbelembele, and the other against the Sirebe. The Zulus were likewise formed up in two divisions, each defending its own headquarters.</div>
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Ngqengelele, son of Vulana was commander-in-chief of Tshaka's forces. As Zwide's warriors came on to the attack, Tshaka surrounded by his bodyguard, all bearing black shields, took up a position to view the battle. </div>
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Fighting against the Mbelembele, Zwide drove in the right wing of Tshaka's force, while at the same time Zwide's right wing was driven back by the Zulus. Exactly the same thing happened at Sirebeni. </div>
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When Tshaka observed that his army was in danger of being cut to pieces, he grew restive and demanded that his shield, black and white in colour, should be handed to him by his bearer, intending personally to lead his men. </div>
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The regiments forming his bodyguard he divided and sent one body in support of his right wing at Mbelembele which was badly shaken, the other he sent against the left wing of <a href="https://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/stabbing-of-shaka-and-ndwandwe-war-that.html" target="_blank">Zwide's</a> warriors who were threatening to break through his right wing at Sirebeni. </div>
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These arrived just in time to avert disaster and, taking advantage of the check imposed on Zwide's forces, succeeded in carrying out an encircling movement, and thus at both points had the enemy at a great disadvantage. </div>
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Desperate fighting followed, and for a long time the issue hung in the balance, but in the end, after a sanguinary contest , the Ndwandwes broke through the encircling Zulus, but only to retreat. </div>
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The victory was so decisive that Zwide with the whole Ndwandwe tribe made preparations to evacuate their old country. This decision they carried out and moved right up to the Wakkenstroom district from the sea-board near St Lucia lake. </div>
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Part of Zwide's army was composed of Zwangendaba's AbeNguni, who later separated from Zwide and went north. These are the AbeNguni or AbaNgoni, of Nyasaland, and are, as has been stated at the end of the part of this book dealing with the AmaXhosa, to be of the same stock as the latter.</div>
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Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-53723724815791556322019-08-07T23:56:00.000+01:002019-08-08T11:45:06.420+01:00Shaka Zulu's Cruelty and His Demise<div style="text-align: justify;">
Source : The South-Eastern Bantu, Abe-Nguni, Aba-mbo, Ama-Lala by John Henderson soga<br />
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Perhaps the wars in which <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaka" target="_blank">Tshaka</a> engaged as supreme chief of the Imithethwa and AmaZulu reveal the best side of the man, or at least do not display conspicuously the evil that was in him.</div>
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His warrior and their leaders by their excesses help to share any responsibility, and to keep his shortcomings in the background. The savage nature of this inhuman tyrant comes into clearer relief through the details of his private life.</div>
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In a fit of ungovernable fury over some trivial matter, he stabbed his mother, Nandi, to death, and afterwards made a great show of extreme grief. Mr Henry Fynn states that the Zulus told him that Nandi died from dysentry. </div>
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But A. M. Fuze (in Abantu Abamnyama) in reference to this says, "Is it likely that the Zulus would open their hearts to a whiteman on the real facts of a matter of this kind?" Which, in short, means that Tshaka actually killed his mother with his own hands.</div>
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There are so many instances of his extreme brutality that it would require a separate volume to record them all. We therefore pass them over and refer to the last, which so exasperated everyone that the natural corollary was the determination to put him to death. </div>
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The Zulu army had been despatched on an expedition against the Pondos. Though they overpowered the Pondos, the Zulus were yet unable to follow them into the fastness of the Mgazi and completely crush them. So, having exacted a promise from them that they would become tributary to Tshaka, the Zulus contented themselves with this and the captured cattle and returned home. </div>
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In the absence of his army on this expedition, Tshaka professed to have had certain revelations made to him, through the medium of dreams. He summoned the wives of many of the absent warriors before him. He, then, went through the formulae of the witch-doctor, and charged each one with being guilty of a certain offence. </div>
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Each individual was asked, "are you guilty?" When the answer was "No," the unfortunate woman was put to death. Others, hoping to escape the same fate, would reply "Yes," but they also were put to death. </div>
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Thus he trifled with the lives of human beings, disregarded the sacred ties of human affection. The tiger had tasted blood. It is said that four hundred of the wives of his warriors were done to death by him on this occasion. </div>
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Having temporarily satiated his lust for blood, he began to think and, in thinking, to fear the effect of his excesses on the army. Consequently on its return, he allowed it no time to rest, but sent it immediately on another expedition, this time far to the north-east. </div>
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That the death of Tshaka was being privately canvassed is evident from an incident which took place about this time. It is related that a notorious thief, Gcugcwa, was brought before Tshaka. It should be mentioned that certain forms of theft were punishable by death. This man was of the AmaQwabe tribe, that is, the Principle House of the Zulus, and was therefore a relative to the tyrant, and of some standing by birth. </div>
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When he appeared before Tshaka, the latter said to him as if in salutation, Sakubona Gcugcwa ("I see you, Gcugcwa"). Gcugcwa replied, "Yes, Ndabezitha, I see you also." A second time Tshaka said, Sakubona Gcugcwa. The culprit saw a veiled menace in the salutation, but replied as before. </div>
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The Qwabe thief was no coward, and feared not death. When Tshaka, therefore, a third time said to him Sakubona Gcugcwa, Gcugcwa replied "Yes chief, you see me to-day, but others will see you to-morrow." "Seize him," said the chief, and Gcugcwa was led to instant execution.</div>
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Retribution is a slow traveller, but reaches its destination in the end. The principal conspirators working for the death of Tshaka were his two brothers, Dingana and Mhlangana. They had not, as is sometimes stated, gone out with the army on its expedition to the north-east, but had on some pretext remained at home. </div>
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They got into touch with Tshaka's immediate personal attendant, Mbopha, son of Sithayi, and succeeded in gaining him over to their interest by promising him a large tract of Zululand, and recognition as chief of that part of the country.</div>
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Dazzled by this offer he became a tool in their hands. A sister of Senzangakhona, Tshaka's father, named Mkabayi, was still alive. She had seen her two nephews, Nomkayimba and Mfogazi, cruelly put to death and their inheritance seized by Tshaka. </div>
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She never forgave him and carried an aching heart with her through life. The conspirators knew this and broached the subject to her. She gave them every encouragement and used all her influence and powers of persuasion to detach Mbopha from his allegiance to Tshaka, and with the help of the promises made to him by Dingana and Mhlangana succeeded. Mbopha dissembled before his master till the fatal day arrived. </div>
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Tshaka was engaged with Faku's representatives who had come to tender the submission of the Pondos as tributary to the Zulu chief, at the same time placing before him the cranes' feathers, and other articles demanded as an indication of their submission. The meeting was in progress within the cattle kraal of the Great Place. </div>
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Tshaka seemed to be dissatisfied with the tribute, and was remonstrating with the Pondos, when Mbopha entered, followed by Dingana and Mhlangana. Mbopha took advantage of the chief's attention being distracted to plunge his assegai into Tshaka. <a href="https://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/06/dinganes-attack-on-lourenco-marques-in.html" target="_blank">Dingana</a> and Mhlangana also set upon him, stabbing him repeatedly till he died. The Zulus thus sacrificed one tyrant, but in Dingana they got another and, if possible, a worse one.</div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2xZpEW2DNcF-PZsQhojyf6xLjJYmovgPE8CZL4bpDPrAV3LiEUMI6RaTOWulk8kehuDm94lKtRbbX6fOGaEaoCBs10AMn3NI1OPOpH6XH32L2ctcXkeGZ4q2TJrDAnEAleTFmH7w5Qro/s1600/Dingane+kaSenzangakhona.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="174" data-original-width="290" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2xZpEW2DNcF-PZsQhojyf6xLjJYmovgPE8CZL4bpDPrAV3LiEUMI6RaTOWulk8kehuDm94lKtRbbX6fOGaEaoCBs10AMn3NI1OPOpH6XH32L2ctcXkeGZ4q2TJrDAnEAleTFmH7w5Qro/s1600/Dingane+kaSenzangakhona.jpg" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Dingane kaSenzangakhona</td></tr>
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Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-77385088414610153242019-05-06T19:06:00.002+01:002019-07-19T14:34:50.258+01:00Livingstonia Mission Meeting With Ngoni Headmen 1890s<div style="text-align: justify;">
Among the Wild Ngoni</div>
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Chapter VI. Meeting with the Head-men </div>
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A WEEK after our visit to Mombera a messenger arrived to say, that next day we were requested to come and repeat our words to the head-men of the tribe. We had heard various rumours in the interval, which had caused us no little anxiety as to what would be the result of the meeting. It was said that I had come with many loads of calico, beads, brass wire, and all the many things the Ngoni desire, and at the meeting I was to enrich the people and make them great. Great was the excitement of the people over this piece of news. How such an idea came to them takes us back to the first meeting of Dr Laws with them, when the subject of war was referred to. Dr Laws had said that by obeying “the Book” and giving up war and plunder, they would become richer and greater than they were. The spiritual sense in which the statement was made was not perceived by the Ngoni, and from that day many were the theories expressed of how “the Book” was to bring riches and greatness to them. The native lives only for the present and could not be expected to see the force of such a statement, but it served to emphasise the special work we, unlike trading Arabs who were the only foreigners they had seen, had come to do. We were “the people of the Book” and not for trade. The Book was talked of, near and far, and became a source of wonder and enquiry, so that even from the start, while no systematic mission work was allowed, not a day passed on which some information was not given and seed sown, which, as we now view our work, has borne good fruit. It was no uncommon occurrence to see a group of strangers from a distance, at the house with the request to be shown the Book,—they had heard of it and wished to see it.</div>
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On the morning of the great council of ama-duna we were in the chiefs cattle kraal at eight o’clock, and the whole day till three o’clock in the afternoon was occupied in talking. The cattle-fold is the centre of every Ngoni village. At the royal kraal, where we met, it was a circular space about eighty yards in diameter fenced with young trees. Around it in ever widening circles the huts of the people were built. The gate was at the side nearest the river, and at the opposite side was a smaller gate leading from the chiefs quarters, which were fenced off from the houses of the ordinary people. In the centre of the cattle-fold there was one of the huge ant-hills which are so numerous throughout Ngoniland.</div>
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<a href="https://www.electricscotland.com/history/africa/ngoni/chapte24.jpg"><img src="https://www.electricscotland.com/history/africa/ngoni/chapte23.jpg" /></a></div>
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Soon after our arrival, troops of warriors fully armed marched in and took up their situations in the enclosure. There were eventually several hundreds present, but perfect order and quiet were observed. When all the warriors had assembled, the chief councillor, Ng’onomo, and the others came in. There were eleven present that day. Accompanying the councillors was a large number of men of inferior rank but possessing certain powers in the tribe. The councillors seated themselves in a semi-circle near to us. After the usual delay each saluted the Mission party, and then Mr Koyi rose to open the business. They were told I had come desiring to stay among them, and to teach them the Word of God, and to heal the sick. Several of the councillors spoke, and all were very warm in their expressions of welcome and readiness to give permission to my staying. All went smoothly until Ng’onomo got to his feet. He began by performing a war-dance, which, being accompanied by the war-shouts of the warriors present, and as I could not understand its meaning, discomfited me not a little. I was reassured when I caught the broad smile on Sutherland’s face as he looked at me.</div>
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All the nice bits of native politeness and flattery had been said, and Ng’onomo, bent on the one question of war and conquest, desired to give the meeting a more practical turn. He finished his war-dance, and after recapitulating the speeches of the others, he plainly said that they were not to give up war; that they were accustomed from their infancy to take the things of others and could not see any reason why they should change their habits. He said, “The foundation of the kingdom is the spear and shield. God has given you the Book and cloth, and has given to us the shield and spear, and each must live in his own way.” To emphasise this utterance, he again danced. We had adopted the plan of replying to anything said when the speaker sat down. Mr Koyi replied, saying that the Book was given to all mankind, and that as we were all the children of God it teaches us that we ought to live in peace with each other. Here I may say that there is no word in Ngoni for “peace.” They now use an imported term,—their own expression which comes nearest the idea being “to visit one another.”</div>
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No new question was raised at that time, but two crucial matters with the Ngoni in those days were brought up. They had been brought up when Dr Laws met the council, and for many a day constituted posers for us. One was the flight of the Tonga to Bandawe, and the other was their desire to have the exclusive right to the presence of the white men in the country. Mr James Stewart in 1879 visited Mombera, and wrote thus—“The next day, Saturday, we reached Mombera; but when I enquired for the chief, I was told he was ‘not at home.’ It was soon evident that he was either designedly absent, or that he simply denied himself. We saw only inferior head-men, who expressed dissatisfaction that we had not come to settle among them, and that they did not understand why we should visit other chiefs before doing so. I have no doubt that they were sincere in their desire to make friendship with us; but an exclusive alliance would only suit them. We heard that they were tired of waiting for us, and intended now to take their own way, which, I fear, means war before long. They have lost both power and prestige within the last two years, and may now be resolving to regain both. I heard later that there are two parties in their council. Mombera and Chipatula and their head-men are desirous of peace and to invite us still to come among them, while Mtwaro and Mperembe wish to keep us at a distance, and to recover their power by force of arms.”</div>
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Ng’onomo asked what I was to do to bring back their former slaves, the Tonga, who had revolted and carried away some of their wives and children, their war-songs, and their war-dances. So long, he said, as we would not restore these, so long must they war to bring them and all other surrounding tribes into subjection, and if I would not in a peaceful way bring back the Tonga people, they would do so by war or drive them into the Lake. It required not a little caution to answer this statement, so as to still the excitement of the crowd of people present by whom such words were applauded. I directed Mr Koyi to say that no doubt they had many questions in which they were deeply interested, but as I had only just come among them, it was scarcely fair to demand of me a means of settling them before I had become acquainted with them and had learned their language.</div>
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My remarks had the effect of drawing a very sensible speech from an old councillor. He said I was only now like a child, unable to speak or walk, and as they did not call upon their children to go out to seek strayed cattle, or give judgments in the affairs of the tribe, so they should not call on me to settle their great matters while I yet eould not speak or walk. That statement turned the discussion into more favourable lines, and although the other question of leaving the Tonga and Bandawe and settling among the Ngoni exclusively was brought up, we were able to satisfy the people without exciting their jealousies, or agreeing to take sides with them against their runaway slaves. Ng’onomo afterwards returned to the war question, and endeavoured to show that their war raids on other people were not a bad thing. He said they were surrounded by people whom he called slaves, and that it was not their desire to kill them, but they endeavoured merely to chase them into the mountains, and when their food and flocks were secured, to say to them, “ Come down now and let us all live together.” It was conquest and not murder they pursued, as they could not bear the idea that any people should point the finger at them, and say, “X” (a click, expressive of contempt). He made an original proposal which was not less impossible for me to carry out. If we would agree to countenance one more raid on the people at the north end who were rich in cattle, and would pray to our God that they might be successful, they would, on their return, give us part of the spoil in cattle and wives, and would proclaim that the Book was to be accepted by the whole tribe. Here there was no place for parrying, and the reply was given emphatically enough that we were not the framers of the words in the Book, but merely the teachers charged to tell all men the words which were God’s and binding on us as well as on them, and that when God said, “Thou shalt not steal,” “Thou shalt not kill,” we had no power to change the command, and could not in any way countenance their wars. Then Ng’onomo asked if we would shut the Book and not pray against them if they went out. I said I had come to teach these words and could not but do so.</div>
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An interesting statement was made by one old man. He had evidently watched the life and character of Koyi and Sutherland, and considered its bearing on the practical things of daily life. He began by saying they were glad I was a doctor, and hoped I had medicine to make Mombera live long. He went on to speak of other medicine which he thought we possessed of which they had no knowledge. He said, “We see you white people are not afraid to go about all over the country, and you settle among different tribes and become the friends of all. How is that?</div>
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You have medicine (natives think everything is done by medicine as charms) for quieting people’s hearts so that they do not kill you. We cannot do so. We are not even at peace among ourselves. We speak fair words to each other, but that is not how we feel. We have also noticed that your servants are ‘biddable,’ and when ordered to do anything at once do it. It is not so with ours. We tell a slave to do a thing, and he says, ‘Yes, master, I have heard’; but he does not do it unless he chooses. We hope you will give us medicine to make our slaves obedient, and to quiet our enemies.” A better opportunity there could not have been for giving them a little plain instruction, and for putting in a word for schools which had been proscribed since the Mission began. Koyi, whose speech was as clear and pointed as theirs, made good use of his opportunity. He told them we had no medicine in their sense, but the words of the Book were stronger than medicine when taken to heart. He quoted the golden rule, and said, “That’s the medicine for quieting enemies everywhere, and was that which made all tribes the friends of the white men.” Then as to making servants obedient, h.e said the Book had words for both servants and masters. It told servants to be obedient and honour their masters; and masters to be kind to and patient with their servants, and give them their due in all things. He added that our servants were obedient and happy because they were being taught the Word of God, and because they were not our slaves, but were paid their wages regularly. He advised them to try it among theirs, and it would have the same happy results. Then he attacked once more the stubbornness of the people in refusing to allow schools. He said in doing so they were refusing the medicine which they were crying out for. As a native only could, he ridiculed them, and by happy and forcible illustrations made them hesitate in the position they held in refusing to allow schools. He said, “You are like a sick man in distress, who sees others being cured and cries for the same medicine, but refuses it when offered.” One replied by saying, “If we give you our children to teach, your words will steal their hearts; they will grow up cowards, and refuse to fight for us when we are old; and knowing more than we do, they will despise us.” That was met by saying that the Book had a command for children which they must allow to be good, viz., “Honour thy father and thy mother.” They would not be taught anything wrong, for all men are taught to fear God and honour the King. The school question was not discussed further; but no doubt some good was done, and the solution hastened by what had passed, although it was, as we shall see, two years after this ere liberty was given to open schools.</div>
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One other point it was necessary to refer to, as only the district immediately under Mombera was open to the Mission, so I requested leave to go about the country, as my desire was to help all. The districts of Mtwaro, Mperembe, and Maurau, brothers of the chief, were closed to us, not more by the hostility of these sub-chiefs, than by the jealousy of Mombera and his advisers, who desired to have the white men all to themselves, no doubt in view of the riches which were expected to come through them.</div>
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I was advised to stay with the others, as all were not favourable to our presence in the country; and while we would be guarded if in their midst, they could not tell what might happen if we went beyond Mombera’s own district into that of any of his brothers. This was not satisfactory, and as it was probably from jealousy, we pushed for liberty to go about. It was denied by the councillors, who repeated their reasons.</div>
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It was, however, clear in all that was said, that the real object of our presence among them was made manifest. However mistaken their ideas were as to the teaching of the Book, we were understood to be men with a message to be received, and they were honest enough to say they did not want it. No advance on previous liberties was made, but our position as neither wishing to bear rule over them nor to work for their overthrow, but to teach the Word of God, was made plain once more.</div>
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Then came the not very agreeable business of presenting the gift which we had taken for the councillors. There was considerable excitement visible generally, as each was presented with twelve yards of red cloth, a kind much valued by the head-men. As each had his portion presented to him there was an ominous silence for a time, and then a burst of derisive laughter. Some turned it over on the ground as if afraid to handle it. Some got up and measured it. One man took his and flung it among the crowd of warriors. One came over and said he did not want cloth. One only had the grace to thank me. They were reminded that we could not attempt to enrich them with goods, but had merely, according to their custom, brought “something in our hand” as a visible token of the friendship our hearts desired. One replied saying they saw we were not bent on enriching them, but it was good to remember that they had great hunger for various kinds of cloth and beads, and another day perhaps they would receive more. If I had come among them expecting the grace and politeness of civilization, instead of their proud indifference and sovereign contempt for the offering of friendship, my feelings would have suffered more than they did, but I was heartily glad when they rose up to go, and that the wild rumours of their expectations which we had heard for some days, found no more pronounced substantiation than their contemptuous treatment of what I thought was a sufficient gift for the purpose in view. The armed warriors, who appeared to have come as the bodyguard of the head-men, quietly filed out of the kraal and we were left alone.</div>
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Mombera was not present, and the councillors went to his hut to report to him the matters which had been talked over. Mr Koyi was called, and it seems the chief had enquired the reason why war dancing had been engaged in. He was angry at Ng’onomo and told him that the object of the gathering was not to discuss tribal matters with me, but to hear what I had to say. After a little the rest of us were called into the chiefs hut, where Ng’onomo and some of the other councillors were being regaled with beef and beer. The stiffness and formalities of the kraal meeting were absent, and no disappointment was visible. Mombera delivered a long speech bidding me welcome among them, and expressing joy that I was skilled in medicine. He himself was often sick, he said, and doubtless I had noticed that there were few old men present that day, the reason being that they were all dead, and if I could give them long life it would be good. He did not say how many never reached old age because they were killed in battle. If there were any doubts as to the full security of our position in the tribe, they were accentuated when Mombera repeated the warning of the councillors, that I should settle along with the others and not go into other districts. No doubt there was some desire to have exclusive possession of the white men, but it was noteworthy that although word had been sent to all the sub-chiefs to come to the palaver none had come, and none of their head-men were present.</div>
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With too great eagerness, perhaps, I pressed for permission to visit his brother, Mtwaro, at Ekwendeni, saying my desire was to become acquainted with all in the tribe and be of use to all. He and Mtwaro were not on friendly terms at that time, but as Mtwaro was heir-apparent it seemed advisable for the permanence of our work, in the event of Mombera’s death, to become known to Mtwaro and his head-men. Not since 1879, when Mr John Moir visited Mtwaro and had opened the way for others by friendly dealings with him, had anyone communicated with that sub-chief, and he had only once visited the Mission station. His armies were known to be out towards the Lake very frequently, and we all thought an attempt should be made to gain Mtwaro’s influence as Mombera’s had been gained.</div>
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After my statement had been interpreted to Mombera and he had consulted with some of those in the hut, he gave permission to visit Mtwaro and was thanked. He seemed to think that that would soften my heart, and so he plied his begging and his demands for cloth, beads, brass wire, big guns, little guns, gunpowder, dogs, bulls to improve his breed of cattle, needles, thread, and, above all, an iron box, with lock and key, in which to keep his valuables, which he said his wives and his councillors were in the habit of stealing. He said he would come over to see me when I could give him these things. It was hard to take all in good part and be at ease under his gaze over the beer-pot, and gracefully excuse our non-compliance with his overwhelming demands. Nothing but a desire to be a means of blessing to such a chief and tribe, would prove an inducement to live the life and experience which may be said to have begun that day. Forgetting the things not agreeable to flesh and blood, we soon after took our departure, feeling that some advance had been made in the work which we had come to take part in.</div>
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It was one advantage having to deal with a council rather than a single individual, and be continually subject to his capricious mind. As the Ngoni had a settled council who were not without dignity and caution in their deliberations, it was evident they had reciprocated our words as far as they could, as, not being over-anxious to allow us all we asked, they were prepared to make good all they allowed. The occasion was very similar to that on which Augustine came to Ethelbert as the first papal missionary to Britain. When he sent word on landing that “ he had come with the best of all messages, and that if he would accept it he would ensure for himself an everlasting kingdom,” Ethelbert would not commit himself, but answered with caution. When at last a meeting was convened, and Augustine “had preached to him the Word of life,” as Bede says, Ethelbert replied, “Fair words and promises are these; but seeing they are new and doubtful, I cannot give in to them, and give up what I and all the English race have so long observed.” But unlike Augustine, who was accorded the privilege of bringing any one of the people over to the new faith, we were told that the chief and council would first have to be taught, and if they considered our message safe, they would give us full liberty to teach the people.</div>
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It may here be noted how different has been the introduction of the Mission to all the other peoples in Livingstonia. In all the other districts the missionaries were hailed as the friends and protectors of the people. All were subject to stronger tribes, by whom they were constantly harried, or were trying to maintain an independent existence surrounded by their enemies; hence they gladly welcomed the missionary, hoping that his presence would prove their safety from their enemies. In no single case did they welcome him on account of his message; and the trouble in those early days was that he was pestered for medicine, guns and powder to kill their enemies. The Missions in those districts had the preparatory work to do in making the people understand the reason for their presence, just as we had of another kind in Ngoniland. Through the faithful testimony of Messrs Koyi and Sutherland, the Ngoni had by the time of my arrival come to understand clearly what our message really was. They needed not our protection from their enemies, as they were masters of the country for many miles around; and, indeed, their pride would not have allowed them to think that in any way a white man or two could be of any profit to them. They knew our teaching would strike at their sins of uncleanness, lying, war, murder and stealing, and they were, unlike the so-called deceitful, vacillating African, at least honest in their treatment of our words. There was great good in having got their ear so far; and even distinct refusal was far better than ready compliance, to be as readily retracted when occasion arose. It is far better to have to deal with an opposing council of head-men with power than with a chief himself, even although he agrees at the time.</div>
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If before leaving home I received one bit of advice more often than any other from Dr Laws, who had experience, along with Mr James Stewart and Mr Koyi, of the dangerous and trying work of gaining an opening among the Ngoni, it was that I should proceed gently and push nothing beyond what was a wise point. On such occasions as the meeting referred to, the judgment and caution of Mr Koyi were invaluable, and he was of opinion that we should not endanger our position with Mombera at that stage, while not sure that we would be received by Mtwaro. We sent a reply that we had no desire to act contrary to the chief’s wishes in the matter, and that until he could send someone to introduce us to his brother, we would refrain from going. It must be remembered that we were merely in the country on sufferance at that time. We did not even own the site of our house, and were not by any means assured of a permanent residence among them, so that we would not have been acting wisely had we been more anxious to assert our independence, than to improve the, as yet, slight hold we had on Mombera and his councillors. There are three special qualifications necessary in every missionary, viz., grace, gumption, and go. Prayer and the exercise of it will ensure the first; where one may get the second, I know not, but the want of it is accountable for more failures in the foreign field than anything else; and the third, although invaluable, can only be right as the outcome of the former. To spend years among the Ngoni and be denied many liberties may, indeed, be an undignified position for a free-born Briton ; but mere questions of dignity ought not to trouble the slaves of Christ in the work to which they have been called. Little by little, as we shall see, our position was improved among the Ngoni, and the years of apparent unfruitfulness were necessary preparation for the intelligent acceptance of the Gospel. </div>
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Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-91571556783683607352015-11-15T20:20:00.009+00:002012-02-01T23:17:49.782+00:00IZITHAKAZELO OF NGUNI CLANS<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;">Below are some <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Xhosa_clan_names" rel="nofollow">izithakazelo</a> (Kinship group praises) for some nguni or <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/clans-of-ngoni-according-to-gt-nurse.html">ngoni clans</a> collected from the web. As you may notice some are in Zulu, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Xhosa_clan_names" rel="nofollow">Xhosa</a> and other nguni languages. You can use http://www.isizulu.net to get the meaning of the words. This site has an online zulu dictionary that you may also use to translate the ngoni songs found on this site. Remember that isiZulu, isiNgoni, isiXhosa, siSwati and isindebele are all nguni languages and are therefore mutually intelligible.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Note: Isithakazelo (plural Izithakazelo)are poems praising important people e.g. ancestors within a Nguni clan. They are the story of a clan. The shortened version is used as a fond greeting of a clan member.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><u>Zithakazelo zakwaMsimang</u></b> (now known as Simango in Malawi according to <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/clans-of-ngoni-according-to-gt-nurse.html">GT Nurse</a>)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Thabizolo</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nonkosi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mhlehlela</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nhlokozabafo</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sdindi Kasiphuki</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sihlula amadoda</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mphand`umnkenkenke</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mlotshwa...</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><u>Zithakazelo zakwa Khumalo</u></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mntungwa!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mbulaz'omnyama</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abathi bedla, umuntu bebe bemyenga ngendaba.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abadl'izimf'ezimbili Ikhambi laphuma lilinye.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Lobengula kaMzilikazi, Mzilikazi kaMashobana</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Shobana noGasa kaZikode, Zikode kaMkhatshwa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mabaso owabas'entabeni, Kwadliwa ilanga lishona</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bantungw'abancwaba!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zindlovu ezibantu, Zindlovu ezimacocombela.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwaMawela, Owawel'iZambezi ngezikhali.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakaNkomo zavul'inqaba, Zavul'inqaba ngezimpondo kwelaseNgome.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina enal'ukudl'umlenze KwaBulawayo!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mantungw'amahle! Bantwana benkosi, Nina bakwaNtokela!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ndabezitha!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Maqhaw'amakhulu</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><u><b>Izithakazelo zakwa-Dlamini (Nkosi)</b></u></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nkosi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dlamini Hlubi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ludonga LaMavuso</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abay`embo bebuyelela</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sidwaba sikaLuthuli</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wena esingangcwaba sibuye noMlandakazi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abawela lubombo ngekuhlehletela</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina baSobhuza uSomhlolo</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Umsazi kaSobhuza</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mlangeni</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwakusa neLanga</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwaWawawa</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Lokothwana</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sibalukhulu</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina beNgwane</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina besicoco sangenhlana</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina beKunene</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><u>ezakwa Khambule</u></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mncube!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mzilankatha!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwaNkomo zilal'uwaca</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ezamadojeyana zilal'amankengana</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mlotshwa!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Malandel'ilanga</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mpangazitha!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Magosolo!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina basebuhlen'obungangcakazi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abadl'umbilini wenkomo kungafanele</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kwakufanel'udliwe ngabalandakazi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakaDambuza Mthabathe</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina basemaNcubeni</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Enabalekel'uShaka</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Naziphons'emfuleni</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kwakhuz'abantu banifihla</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Naphenduk'abakwaKhambule</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nafik'eSwazini</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Naphenduk'uNkambule</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina baseSilutshana</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nin'enakhelana noMbunda</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakaMaweni </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><u>'Thina bakwa Mhlongo sithi'</u></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Makhedama!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Soyengwase!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakaBhebhe kaMthendeka</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakaSoqubele onjengegundane</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina baseSiweni</div><div style="text-align: justify;">KwaMpuku yakwaMselemusi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">KwaNogwence webaya</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zingwazi zempi yakwaNdunu</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Njoman'eyaduk'iminyakanyaka</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Yatholakal'onyakeni wesine</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Yabuye yatholakala ngowesikhombisa</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Langeni</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Owavel'elangeni.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ngaphandle ke uma ngingatshelwanga kahle ekhaya. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><u>Izithakazelo zakwa-Ndlovu.</u></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gatsheni!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Boya benyathi!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Buyasongwa buyasombuluka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mpongo kaZingelwayo!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwandlovu zidl' ekhaya,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ngokweswel' abelusi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwakhumbula amagwala.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwademazane ntombazana</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwasihlangu sihle.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mthiyane!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ngokuthiy'amadod'emazibukweni.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina bakwaMdubusi! </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><u>Izithakazelo Zakwa-gumede</u></b> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mnguni! Qwabe!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mnguni kaYeyeye</div><div style="text-align: justify;">osidlabehlezi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">BakaKhondlo kaPhakathwayo</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abathi bedla, babeyenga umuntu ngendaba</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abathi "dluya kubeyethwe."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kanti bahlinza imbuzi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bathi umlobokazi ubeyethe kayikhuni</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sidika lolodaba!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Phakathwayo!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wena kaMalandela</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ngokulandel' izinkomo zamadoda,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Amazala-nkosi lana!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mpangazitha! </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><u><b>Izithakazelo zakwaMabaso</b></u></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mntungwa,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ndabezitha,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mbulazi ,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">wen' odl' umunt' umyenga ngendaba,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">wen' omanz' akhuphuk' intaba</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><u><b>Zithakazelo zakwaNgwenya</b></u></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ngwenya(South African version)</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mntimande,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bambolunye,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">zingaba mbili,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">zifuze konina,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ekhabonina,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">mabuya,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">bengasabuyi</div><div style="text-align: justify;">baye babuya</div><div style="text-align: justify;">emangwaneni ,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">nungunde,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">wakhothe,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">bayosala beziloyanisa</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><u><b>Zithakazelo zakwaZulu</b></u></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zulu kaMalandela;</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zulu omnyama ondlela zimhlophe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina baka Phunga no Mageba.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ndaba; nina bakaMjokwane kaNdaba.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nina benkayishana kaMenzi eyaphunga umlaza ngameva.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mnguni, Gumede.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ndabezitha</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><u>Izithakazelo zakwa zungu:</u></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gwabini,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">manzini,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">geda,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">nyama kayishe eshaya ngamaphephezeli</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ncwane,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">hamashe,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">geda,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">wena owaphuma ngenoni emgodini,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">wena owakithi le emaheyeni,sengwayo</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I have just noted that some people have been trying to search for the meaning of the word <i>ndabezitha</i> used above and in some Zulu films such as Shaka Zulu below.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Ndabezitha</b> is the one of the praise and respect words used when the Zulus and other Ngunis want to acknowledge loyalty to a Nguni royalty. Just as in English one would say, 'your majesty or his royal majesty or your royal majesty' to their king, in Zulu and other nguni words you use the praise word <i>ndabezitha</i>. The word is a contraction of <i>indaba yezitha</i> literally meaning 'matter of the enemies'</div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: verdana, geneva, lucida, 'lucida grande', arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><iframe frameborder="0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" scrolling="no" src="http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=npommtaz-20&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=B003LMGXC8&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifr" style="height: 245px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 5px; text-align: left; width: 131px;"></iframe></span><br />
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</span></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: verdana, geneva, lucida, 'lucida grande', arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"> <iframe frameborder="0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" scrolling="no" src="http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=npommtaz-20&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=B000002LBQ&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifr" style="height: 245px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 5px; text-align: left; width: 131px;"></iframe><iframe frameborder="0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" scrolling="no" src="http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=npommtaz-20&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=068813114X&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifr" style="height: 245px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 5px; text-align: left; width: 131px;"></iframe></span></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com27tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-27875951611053020542012-03-11T19:06:00.003+00:002021-03-23T11:55:10.841+00:00Ngoni Paramountcy Part 1<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times; font-size: large;"></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">by Margaret Read.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">THE Chewa term for chief (<em>mfumu</em>) was widely used in Nyasaland for chiefs of all ranks, as well as for village headmen and, occasionally, as an honorific form of address to an important individual. Among the Cewa a man could 'become a chief' by acquiring, through marriage or purchase, the right to own a site, known as a mzinda, on which female initiation rites were carried out. This concept of the office of chieftainship among the Cewa and other local tribes was in sharp contrast to the centralized and unified concept inherent in the Ngoni term inkosi. I have translated <em>inkosi</em> here as Paramount because the term Paramount Chief was adopted by the Administration to denote a ruler who had recognized subordinate chiefs under him and whose court was an appeal court for their courts. It is necessary to emphasize here how distinctive the office of Paramount was among the various types of chiefs in Nyasaland, both in official recognition, and still more in the Ngoni ideas about their Paramount. We saw in Chapter II of Part I that no Nyasaland chiefs, except the Ngoni Paramounts, had Subordinate Native Authorities under them.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">When the Ngoni left the south, a number of small chiefdoms there were gradually being overcome by Shaka and, based on his armies, he had set up a new and unique type of inkosi. The leaders of military bands who left him Mzilikazi, Soshangane, Zwangendaba and Ngwana—had little recognition before they left, except as military and clan leaders. Yet after the Ngoni left, Zwangendaba and Ngwana received from their followers recognition of their political leadership as inkosi, and this was expressed by giving to the Paramount the salute of Bayete. Throughout their recitals of traditions and in their accounts of their political system, Ngoni informants in both kingdoms emphasized that for each kingdom there was one inkosi to whom alone the Bayete was given. We assume, therefore, that the later Ngoni concept of the Paramount and his function and authority was largely evolved and built up during the Ngoni migration across the Zambesi and the early settlement in Nyasaland.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The office of the Paramount was supported by three typical Ngoni institutions. The first was the regency exercised by the man who was held responsible for the care of the office of the Paramount. He was called 'the one who takes care of the country', 'the one who has to put the new inkosi in his place', 'the one who takes care of the young inkosi until he enters his father's place'. We shall see later how this principle of regency operated in particular cases in the succession to the Paramountcy. It proved to be an effective provision both in the case of a minor who was recognized as his father's heir, and during an interregnum while the succession was being discussed. The Ngoni showed a clear understanding of what functions the regent ought to perform, and when he exceeded these functions and usurped, or tried to usurp, the Paramount's position they condemned his action as wrong.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The second institution which supported the Paramountcy was the `big house' from which the heir to the Paramount had to come. We shall see later that it was not always considered essential that the heir should be the actual child of the wife in the big house. A boy could be adopted into the house and, by Ngoni kinship rules, he was then a child of that house and of the woman in it.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The third institution, which made the Paramount immortal at death after having been supreme in his life-time, was the Ngoni practice of `guarding his spirit' in a hut, usually in the village where he had lived. The guardianship of a spirit was not practised exclusively for the Paramount. All the chiefs and the heads of the Swazi clans had this provision made for their spirits when they died, but in national crises prayers addressed to the spirits of former Paramounts were of supreme importance.</span></div><h3 style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The royal clan and the big house</span></h3><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Among the Swazi and trans-Zambesi clans which formed the Ngoni aristocracy the royal clan had a unique position. Not only was it the clan of the Paramount, but its members had social rank and prestige because they belonged to his clan. In the northern kingdom informants showed awareness of the fact that their royal clan of Jere was not one of the well-known clans in the south. Other clan names found among them, such as Ngomezulu, Thole, Nzima, Nqumayo, and many more, were known to be clan names among the South-eastern Bantu. The following explanation was given by Cibambo about the name Jere and was the one most widely accepted:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The Ngoni themselves say that the clan name of Jere was given during the journey, and that it arose out of the number of people who were with Zwangendaba. When the Ngoni want to speak of a large number of people they use two well-known words which are: `Ngu Shaka' (it is Shaka); 'Ngu Jere' (it is Jere). Perhaps Zwangendaba and others took their clan name from this, seeing that they had become a great number. It is certain that the clan name of Jere is not known in Zululand or Swaziland</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">In the northern kingdom all the chiefs recognized as Subordinate Native Authorities were of the royal clan, and hence its political authority was widespread. It was noticed by the early missionaries in northern Ngoniland that the sons of Zwangendaba who were chiefs under their brother, the Paramount, showed some degree of independence in that they wanted to rule their own areas with the minimum of centralized control. The pre-eminence of the Paramount among the other Jere rulers was strengthened as time went on by the remoter kinship relationship of the other Jere chiefs to the Paramount. After Zwangendaba's death they were his brothers of the same father and different mothers. Two generations later they were farther removed from his kinship circle since each of their posts was inherited on a direct father to son principle. The political and social importance of membership of the royal clan tended to go in the direct line of relationship to the Paramount rather than to the collateral branches. Later, in Part III, we shall examine the social prestige of the amakosana (lit. children of the inkosi). It was the closeness of their relationship to the reigning Paramount which was the basis for their social prestige, though evidence showed that a sister or brother or child from a big house of a former Paramount was also given social recognition as an important personage.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The royal clan of Maseko in the central kingdom was also known in Swaziland. Dr. Kuper refers to it in connexion with the Swazi custom of cremating the body of the Maseko chief at his death on a rock by a river.(See Kuper, H. An African Aristocracy, p. 86.) This custom was brought from the south by the Ngoni under Maseko leadership and carried out for each successive Paramount up to 1891. Among these Ngoni the royal clan had special relationships with other leading clans, but the Paramount did not share his political authority with any others of his clan. His chiefs were all of other clans, and Ngoni informants said that it was a deliberate act of the Paramount Mputa to exclude his brothers from political authority and from disputing with him the control of the kingdom. In the isolated position thus established for the royal clan, two other clans had a ritual relationship with the Paramount. One was the Phungwako clan which was custodian of the Paramount's 'medicines', known as the tonga. The other was the Ngozo clan which provided the companion for the Paramount whom I have called the 'royal shadow' (see below, pp. 61-3). Yet another special relationship with the royal clan was that of the Nzunga clan which had chibale, or brotherly relations, with the Maseko clan, that involved sharing the same avoidances and excluded inter-marriage.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">The relationship of the Paramount to other leaders of the royal clan </span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">was thus different in the two kingdoms. In the north he was one ruler, though a supreme one, among several ruling kinsmen of the same clan. His position in the past had been strengthened by the prestige shared by his clansmen, but also challenged by his near kinsmen in positions of authority. In the central kingdom the Paramount shared no authority with his fellow clansmen. He was unique among them as a ruler, while sharing special ritual relationships with the two other clans which supported his position without challenging it.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">A new Paramount, in order to be installed in his father's place, had to be of the big house as well as of the royal clan. Dr. Kuper described the Swazi practice whereby cattle were contributed by the nation for the mother of the king, so that she was called the 'mother of the people of the country'. She also described the ritual marriage of the first wife of a ruler, who was called sisulamsiti , and who was never the mother of the heir.(See Kuper, H. op. cit. pp. 54 & 91) The Ngoni Paramount-elect in the northern kingdom married his first wife when he was a young man and she was called msulamsizi, 'the one who takes the darkness off him'. The big wife, who would bear the heir, was married with a large gift of cattle taken from the herd of the big wife of the reigning Paramount and, after marriage, was attached to her big house. We shall discuss in greater detail in the next chapter the relationships of the royal women to the Paramount and to each other. Here it is important to note that the big house owned by the big wife was the place where the future chief was brought up. In the central kingdom the first marriage of the Paramount was traditionally with a woman of the Magagula clan who was said not to bear children. She held an honoured place in the social hierarchy and was married with cattle taken from the herd of the gogo house of the reigning Paramount. It was regarded as a ritual marriage, for if she did bear children they were not acknowledged. Informants were uncertain whether methods to prevent conception were used, or whether abortion was practised, or whether children, if born, died young or were disposed of or placed out in other households. The last alternatives were unlikely, and one of the first two expedients was in line with the phrase always used of this wife: 'she did not bear children'. The wife who bore the heir was married next and was always of another leading clan, and the cattle for her came from the herd of the big house of the reigning Paramount.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The reasons were obvious why the remembered genealogies of the Ngoni Paramounts of the royal clans were short compared with the genealogies of some other African royal houses. The remote ancestors of Jere chiefs and Maseko chiefs, who were, as we have seen, not Paramounts before they left the south, were forgotten once the departure had taken place. Only a few names had been handed down and were repeated by the official praisers, whose task it was to call out the names of the direct ancestors of the Paramount before declaiming his izibongo or praise-songs. The northern Ngoni remembered the names of five direct ancestors of Zwangendaba, ancestors who had died before they left the south, and the central Ngoni remembered the names of three direct ancestors of Mputa who had died before crossing the Zambesi.'</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The genealogy of the Jere Paramounts which was recited in the northern kingdom varied in different localities. Of three versions which I found two agreed, except in the name given for the earliest ancestor.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Lovuma (Kali is the alternative given by Cibambo)</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Lonyanda</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Magalera Died in the south</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Magangata</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Hlacwayo</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Zwangandaba</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mbelwa I</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mbelwa II</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mbelwa III, ruling in 1939</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The list above was given by Cibambo of Ekwendeni and Simon Nhlane of Hoho, the leading member of the Nhlane clan.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Third Version: Nyandeni</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mehlo enzhomo</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Jele ka Lovuma</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Nchingile </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Gumede</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Magangata </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Hlacwayo </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Zwangendaba </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mbelwa I </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mbelwa II </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mbelwa III</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">1 In 'Traditions and Prestige among the Ngoni' (Africa, 1936) I said (p. 466) that nine generations of ancestors were remembered in the north and seven in the centre. These referred to the Paramounts after crossing the Zambesi as well as to their ancestors who died in the south.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The third version was given by Chinombo Jere, a grandson of Zwangendaba, who came from Emcisweni. This section of the Ngoni, under Chief Mperembe, had for a time associated with Paramount Mpeseni, and not with Mbelwa. This separation gave them a slightly different set of traditions, and they were, perhaps owing to their geographical isolation, the last group to give up the old language and dress.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">An attempt to check the Emcisweni version of the Jere genealogy with that of Ekwendeni showed one piece of evidence in favour of the latter. This was the tradition preserved by the Nhlane clan that the Swazi chiefs of the Nqumayo clan had as their chief izinduna men of the Jere clan who were of the same age regiment. The names remembered were as follows:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: large;"> </span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><br />
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: blue;">Swazi Chiefs<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td><td style="background-color: transparent; border-color: windowtext windowtext windowtext rgb(0, 0, 0); border-style: solid solid solid none; border-width: 1pt 1pt 1pt 0px; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt; width: 240.55pt;" valign="top" width="321"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span><br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: blue;">Ngoni Izinduna<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td></tr>
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Ndwandwe<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td><td style="background-color: transparent; border-color: rgb(0, 0, 0) windowtext windowtext rgb(0, 0, 0); border-style: none solid solid none; border-width: 0px 1pt 1pt 0px; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt; width: 240.55pt;" valign="top" width="321"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span><br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Magalela<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td></tr>
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Langa<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td><td style="background-color: transparent; border-color: rgb(0, 0, 0) windowtext windowtext rgb(0, 0, 0); border-style: none solid solid none; border-width: 0px 1pt 1pt 0px; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt; width: 240.55pt;" valign="top" width="321"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span><br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Magangata<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: large;"> </span></td></tr>
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Zwide<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td><td style="background-color: transparent; border-color: rgb(0, 0, 0) windowtext windowtext rgb(0, 0, 0); border-style: none solid solid none; border-width: 0px 1pt 1pt 0px; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt; width: 240.55pt;" valign="top" width="321"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span><br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Hlacwayo<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td></tr>
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Sikunyane<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></td><td style="background-color: transparent; border-color: rgb(0, 0, 0) windowtext windowtext rgb(0, 0, 0); border-style: none solid solid none; border-width: 0px 1pt 1pt 0px; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt; width: 240.55pt;" valign="top" width="321"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span><br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Trebuchet MS","sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">Zwangendaba<o:p></o:p></span></b></div><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: large;"> </span></td></tr>
</tbody></table><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span><br />
</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">In the central Ngoni kingdom the following was the generally accepted version of the genealogy of the Maseko Paramounts:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Msizi no bulako Died in the south</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Goqweni Died in the South</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Ngwana Died before crossing the Zambesi</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Mputa</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Chikusi</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Gomani I</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Gomani II, ruling in 1939</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">After the death of Ngwana before the crossing of the Zambesi, two of his brothers in turn acted as regents. Also, on the death of Mputa, his brother Cidyawonga acted as regent. In the recital of the Paramount's genealogies, however, the names of the regents were not included.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"><strong>The succession to the Paramountcy and the role of the regent</strong></span><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">It might appear that among a strictly patrilineal people like the Ngoni, where marriage was formalized by exchange of cattle, and where each wife had a recognized position and rank, it would have been easy to formulate rules for the succession to the Paramountcy, and that they would have been followed without deviation. Such had obviously not been the case. It could be argued that the unsettled conditions on the northward journey made it necessary to modify rules of succession in favour of the 'strong man'. Europeans have tried to detect an element of popular choice in the appointment of the inkosi, or at least of a popular verdict in favour of or against a proposed candidate. Another element suggested by Ngoni informants was nomination of his heir by the dying Paramount.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">There were, however, certain principles which were clear in the accounts given by informants. One was that immediately on the death of a Paramount a regent took charge of the country, of the office of the Paramount, and of the person of the heir elect, and also of the funeral rites of the dead Paramount. The provision for a regency allowed for a period of delay before announcing the successor. There was no 'The king is dead. Long live the king.' The office of the Paramount was clearly in suspense during this interregnum which had been known to last a few days, a few months, or even years—the last in the case of a successor who was a minor. During this period the regent was responsible for carrying on the work of the Paramount, and for consultation with heads of leading clans about the successor. In the past the regent was usually a brother of the dead Paramount. The traditions of the central Ngoni were, as we have seen, that after Ngwana had led them out of the south, he died before crossing the Zambesi. Two of his brothers, Magadlera who died before the Zambesi crossing and Mgoola who died near Domwe, successively acted as regents until Mputa was old enough to enter his father's place. When the time came for the end of the interregnum, it was the regent's responsibility to summon the people and present the heir to them as the new Paramount.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The assumption of authority by a regent and the provision for an interregnum make it clear that the identity of the successor was seldom a foregone conclusion even though the heir-apparent stood with a spear at his father's grave. Among the principles of succession which determined the choice of the new Paramount, one was that he should come from the big house. This could be 'arranged' by adopting him into it if there was no likely heir who had been born there. Another principle was a less easily defined qualification, that of suitability. This was discussed by the regent with the leading clan heads, who took into account the wishes of the late Paramount and the character and personality already displayed by the proposed successor, who had stood by his father's grave. Informants made it clear that responsibility for this selection weighed heavily on the regent and the leading men, for the choice once made was final, the power of the Paramount was very great, the 'medicines' used at his accession 'set him aside as a person of potential supernatural power, and the prosperity of the country and of everyone in it depended on this decision.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Two famous cases of disputed succession in the past had led to major divisions of the Ngoni kingdoms. The first occurred in the north on the death of Zwangendaba, when his brother Ntabeni became regent, and this dispute revolved round the principle that the heir should come from the big house. It led to the final split between Mpezeni and Mbelwa, the setting up of two kingdoms, and the giving of the Bayete' to two Paramounts of the Jere clan. The following account was given by Chief Mtwalo Jere, son of the Mtwalo mentioned, and he told it to me in his own village of Ezondweni. It brings out the function and position of the regent; the relation of 'house' to `village'; the influence of the popular verdict on the choice of a successor; the magnanimous attitude of other possible rivals for the Paramountcy; and the effect of personal quarrels on a national matter.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-size: small;">"Ntabeni went to the house of Munene, the mother of Mbelwa. She insulted him and would not give him beer. Zwangendaba went to bathe and when he returned Ntabeni said to him 'I have been insulted by your wife. She called me "Sutu".' This is a great insult among the Ngoni.1 Zwangendaba was very angry, and he took a pan and fried groundnuts, and said to his wife 'You must take the groundnuts in your hand.' Her hands were very burnt because the groundnuts were too hot. 'You are burnt because you must not abuse this your brother-in-law. You are punished.' Zwangendaba died. Ntabeni was taking care of the country. He was the right man to put</span> <span style="font-size: small;">the inkosi. He said to Mbelwa: 'You are not a chief because your mother abused me.' So Mpeseni was inkosi, and the second was Mtwalo. They chased away Mbelwa. When Mpeseni was elected to be inkosi all the people were complaining because they said the chieftainship should be for the village of Elangeni. The people of Elangeni and of Ekwendeni did not want Mpeseni as inkosi.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">Ntabeni died. The people of Elangeni and of Ekwendeni wanted to fight Ntabeni's people because they were not told of his death, and when he was buried they were not there. The Ntabeni people went away to Tanganyika. All the rest left Ufipa and came to Cidlodlo. Mpeseni and Mperembe stayed there and the rest came to Coma. Then Mperembe returned from Mpeseni.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
<span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">Mtwalo said to Mbelwa 'You are the right man to be inkosi. I am not the right man because through jealousy Ntabeni gave the inkosi to Mpeseni.' Then they gave Bayete' to Mbelwa."</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">Cibambo, whose father was mlomo wenkosi (mouthpiece of the chief) in Ekwendeni for old Mtwalo mentioned above, confirmed this part of the story of the succession and the role played by Ntabeni as regent. He also gave in his book 2 the most coherent account of an earlier dispute about which wife of Zwangendaba was the big wife—a dispute which illustrated the significance of the house in the succession.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">A disputed succession in the central kingdom arose over a struggle between Chikusi, the son of the Paramount Mputa, and Cifisi, the son of the regent Cidyawonga who took care of the kingdom after Mputa's death. When the regent died, his son Cifisi claimed the succession and war broke out between the followers of the two claimants. After fighting had continued through two generations of claimants the state under Cifisi seceded and became independent, though the `Bayete' was only given to Cikusi and his descendants of Mputa's main line. The following account was given in the royal village of the central kingdom by a former regent assisted by an official reciter of tradition. It related to the succession to Mputa, who died in the Songea district of Tanganyika, and to the defeat of these Ngoni by the followers of Zulu Gama. After this defeat the Ngoni under Cidyawonga returned to the west side of the lake and built on Domwe mountain.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">"When they burned the body of Mputa, Chidyawonga stood with Chikusi, and that was the sign that Cikusi was still young but was inkosi. Cidyawonga was the brother of Mputa. The people told Cidyawonga 'We are in war. You must help us.' They took Chikusi and put him in the big house, because there were no children there.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">Chidyawonga was the regent when they built on Domwe. When he was about to die he said to the people 'Now I leave this country in the hands of the owner, because I was only appointed to keep it for him. This is your leader.' He sent for Cikusi and gave him his father's spear, saying to him `This country is yours.' He said to Cifisi, his own son, ' You my son do not struggle with Cikusi. He is the only Paramount here.' Cidyawonga we did not burn because he had cared for the Paramountcy. And when Cidyawonga died we put Cikusi in his place."</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">The relation between the regent and the Paramount emerged again from the confusion following the death of Paramount <a href="https://nthawi.blogspot.com/2021/03/the-northern-nguni-kings.html">Gomani</a> I in 1896 at the hands of the British. The record in the Ncheu District Note Book said that authority was divided between the dead Paramount's brother, Mandala, and NaMlangeni, the mother of Chikusi the former Paramount. After the Portuguese-Nyasaland boundary was fixed dividing the Ngoni territory, the Portuguese entered their section to administer it. NaMlangeni and Mandala resisted their entry and were taken prisoners and died. Meantime a big mulumuzana of Paramount Gomani I had acted as regent for his heir who had been placed in the big house. The following account by the treasurer of Gomani II described the situation during the early years of the minority of the Paramount.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">"</span><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">Chief Gomani II was born in 1893. The country was destroyed by the Europeans when this child was three years old, and he was taken care of by the big mulumuzana of his father, Cakumbira Mpalale Ndau. When the war of the Europeans had finished, they built the village of Lizulu, near Mlanda mountain, where the Dutch mission is today. The child was with them in that village.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">When the European Mr. Walker asked the big people whether Gomani I left any children, those big people refused to tell and said 'He did not leave children, they died when they were small.' They feared lest perhaps the Europeans wanted to kill the children too. Mr. Walker (they called him Chipyoza, 'the thing that goes on boring a hole') did not stop asking because he said `Gomani was my friend and I want to help his children.' On his second journey they revealed to him that there were two children in the village here, and they named the heir Philip Gomani and his younger brother William Gomani who died in 1919. Then Mr. Walker rejoiced. When they brought the children out before his eyes, he gave them gifts which he brought for them, clothes and other things."</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br />
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"><strong><u>Footnotes</u></strong></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">1. Bryant, in Olden Times in Zululand and Natal, said (p. 134) that `Sutu' was an insult because it meant 'harharian'—one who had not had his ears pierced according to the custom of the Zulu.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">2.Cibambo, Y. M. My Ngoni of Nyasaland. London, 1942, chaps. V & VI.</span></div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-29057112969021502832012-02-01T21:00:00.002+00:002012-02-01T23:56:27.554+00:00Product Store<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><iframe frameborder="0" height="1000" scrolling="no" src="http://astore.amazon.com/angoni-20" width="96%"></iframe></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-28738816362414605342011-08-05T21:01:00.000+01:002011-08-05T21:01:47.493+01:00INKOSI GUNGUNYANE OF SHANGAAN AND HIS DEALINGS WITH THE PORTUGUESE AND BRITISH<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gungunyane the Negotiator: A Study in African Diplomacy</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Author(s): Douglas L. Wheeler</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Source: The Journal of African History, Vol. 9, No. 4 (1968), pp. 585-602</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Published by: Cambridge University Press</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THIS paper is a discussion of the major negotiations of Chief <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/nguni-migrations-between-delagoa-bay.html">Gungunyane</a>,<sup>1</sup> Paramount Chief of the Shangana of <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/nguni-migrations-between-delagoa-bay.html">Gaza</a> (1850 -1906), who ruled sections of eastern Rhodesia and southern <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/nguni-migrations-between-delagoa-bay.html">Mozambique</a> during the period I884-1895. Although some scholars judge his abilities harshly,<sup>2</sup> a careful examination of the record suggests that this African leader did a remarkable job in the face of a host of jostling interests: the Portuguese Government; the British Government; many individual European adventurers and concession- seekers; corporate concession-seekers, notably the British South Africa Company and the Mozambique Company; neighbouring tribes; and also many private traders of European and Indian ancestry.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>I</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gungunyane was a usurper. He was not the legitimate heir to the throne of his father, Mzila, since he was not the eldest son, or son of the 'Great Wife'. His major rival was Mafemane, his brother, whose mother was the Nkosicaze of Mzila.<sup>3</sup> Within a few months of his father's death in August 1884, Gungunyane had eliminated or exiled his rivals. He remained constantly in fear of the reappearance of the escaped royal heirs, Anhana and Mafabaze. Followers of these exiles in Swaziland continued to worry him, and in negotiations with the Portuguese he often demanded the surrender of these exiles to his custody.<sup>4</sup> Throughout his reign the succession question remained simmering, giving the Portuguese a useful lever in diplomacy, while making the African leader more irascible and nervous.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The first round of Gungunyane's struggle was set in Manicaland, in northern Gazaland. Gungunyane attempted to conquer Chief Mtassa of Manica as well as other Shona, such as the Duma, to the west. These raids on Manica mountain strongholds in the 1880s were generally unsuccessful.<sup>5</sup> Knowing that his father before him had suffered for lack of firearms, Gungunyane acquired a passionate interest in European arms technology, and this was reflected in his diplomacy. In June 1886, while conferring with the Portuguese envoy Jose d'Almeida, Gungunyane learned of the military potential of the incendiary rocket. He demanded that Almeida provide him with a shipment of rockets to dislodge the Shona from their hills.<sup>6</sup> The chief received no such arms, but he did continue to covet lands and peoples in Manica and Mashonaland, and his raiding parties intermittently collected taxes in these areas.<sup>7</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gungunyane observed that Portuguese power, though weak, was gradually improving in strength. The Portuguese had a ready access to firearms, were increasing their hold on the coast, and were showing a new interest in Manicaland. In i88I the Portuguese officer Paiva de Andrada had travelled to Manica, but had failed to obtain a concession from old Mzila, at his kraal at Mossurise, since the chief considered the area his tributary holding. In 1884 the Portuguese administration created on paper 'The District of Manica', and named the capital after the Goanese warlord Gouveia (Manuel Antonio da Sousa), whose private army was reconquering new territory south of the Zambezi for the Portuguese.<sup>8</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In 1885 the Portuguese sent as envoy to Gungunyane an ex-soldier turned trader who was an old friend of Mzila, Jose Casaleiro d'Alegria Rodrigues. Casaleiro persuaded Gungunyane to send two indunas to Lisbon to sign an 'Act of Vassalage' with Portugal. By this treaty (I2 October 1885), Gungunyane was to obey laws and orders from the governor-general, to promise not to allow the rule of any other nation in 'his territory', to permit a Portuguese agent to live near him and to advise him in ruling, to fly the Portuguese flag in his kraals, to allow all Portuguese subjects to travel freely in Gazaland, to permit mineral exploitation only to individuals with Portuguese concessions, and to allow the establishment of missions and schools. In return, Gungunyane was to have complete jurisdiction in Gazaland, as well as the right to govern and collect taxes. According to article 2 of this treaty,<sup>9</sup> Portugal could not use armed force in Gazaland without Gungunyane's permission. By royal decree the chief was made an honorary army colonel, and his major advisors captains, and he was given the full regalia, uniform and sword included.<sup>10</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Beginning in 886, Jose d'Almeida, the Portuguese official and later agent of the Mozambique Company, acted as residente at Gungunyane's kraal.The official pressed for a concession to exploit Manicaland for minerals. Though he later achieved some success with the 'Lion of Gaza', Almeida failed in his first mission. Gungunyane claimed that Mtassa was a vassal, and that many Portuguese prazos along the Zambezi and near Sofala were his tributaries as well. He thus refused to give concessions. His advisors told Almeida that the Shangana had observed how Portuguese influence had grown in Inhambane district by means of treaty-making and promises, and that they feared that the Portuguese would establish their rule in the interior of Gaza if allowed concessions in Manica. When Almeida mentioned the 1885 treaty signed by his 'envoys' in Lisbon, Gungunyane replied that the agreement was useless and only a Portuguese trick to obtain his lands. As he stated, revealingly, 'the paper [treaty] is good only for fishing for lands'.<sup>11</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As early as 1887, Gungunyane began to turn his eyes away from northern Gazaland toward the south. His southern vassals, the Tonga and Chope, were rebelling against him. This was one area of European interior penetration before 1880, an exception in Mozambique. A former trader of French extraction, Joao Loforte, became an influential figure in the Inhambane area, and between i869 and 1877 armed the Chope tribe as Portuguese allies. By winning the loyalty of a nucleus of chiefs, the Portuguese laid the foundation for later interior expansion.<sup>12</sup> Loforte persuaded peoples west of the Inharrime River to resist Shangana raids and tax forays. By I884 over twenty chiefs in this region paid some form of tribute to the Portuguese in return for protection against the Shangana. The Chope region thus became a major flaw in the dominion of Gungunyane. He found himself subject to two pressures: from the war party in Gazaland to reconquer the area and from the Portuguese officials to stop raids against tribes which were considered Portuguese vassals.<sup>13</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In 1888 Gungunyane and his advisors reached a vital decision, to move their kraals from the edge of the Rhodesian plateau into the Limpopo valley, by which the future of the Gaza nation was to be profoundly affected. Estimates of the number of people who moved with Gungunyane range between 40,000 and 100,000. Several parties went ahead in April 1889, while Gungunyane left Mt Selinda (Rhodesia) on 15 June. Although one pressure to move was the growing power of Manuel Antonio de Sousa in Manica,14 the major reason for the move was Gungunyane's consuming determination to settle an old score with the Chope between the Limpopo and Inharrime Rivers. He wished to reclaim his father's land in the area called Bilene and to punish one particular chief who, according to tradition,<sup>15</sup> had insulted him by sending a message that the 'lion' had a 'big belly'. As Gungunyane told the Portuguese residente before he left Mt Selinda: 'I am going to Bilene; I go to my home, and where I was born. We must pass through the frontiers of the lands of the King of Portugal, who is my friend.'<sup>16</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There is some evidence that Gungunyane negotiated with the Portuguese for a free hand in the Limpopo region in return for withdrawal of Shangana influence in Manica.17 In any event, Gungunyane invaded Chope lands in</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhjSRsdypH4Ro1WXY8Dl8q6op8yk74eBzZjV1siUnR0tpInPNdUI76yXMIrzCUwMkecFEPPVRxQ8G2MUWDZ80FvKvzZXYPFyZKyiBcPINrUye1eh3EsUpYSEWVCl0riPhLik4nj9xngOFU/s1600/mozambique+in+1895.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="243" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhjSRsdypH4Ro1WXY8Dl8q6op8yk74eBzZjV1siUnR0tpInPNdUI76yXMIrzCUwMkecFEPPVRxQ8G2MUWDZ80FvKvzZXYPFyZKyiBcPINrUye1eh3EsUpYSEWVCl0riPhLik4nj9xngOFU/s400/mozambique+in+1895.gif" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Fig 1 Southern Mozambique in 1895</td></tr>
</tbody></table><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">force in 1889, set up a kraal near the present-day village of Manjacaze (a Portuguese corruption of the kraal name, 'Manhlagazi'), and fought wars with those groups to the end of his reign. If his motivation for the move south was to increase his power and prestige, the Shangana were at first weakened by the long trek, starvation conditions on the way, and formidable resistance from the Chope once they arrived. These warriors took refuge from the Shangana in their special palisade fortresses, constructed of tree trunks, called kocolenes. In the battle of Baul Island in January 1890, the Chope inflicted a reverse on the Shangana. Some Chope refugees, including the chief, Speranhana, who had insulted Gungunyane, escaped to the north into Inhambane district, under the protection of Portuguese authorities.<sup>18</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The migration of the Shangana thousands in 1889, then, had the effect of dislocating groups in southern Mozambique, and moving Gungunyane closer to Portuguese coastal settlements. Though the Shangana often won their battles with the Chope, this conflict provided a diversion useful to Portuguese interests. The wars were a constant source of negotiation between Gungunyane and the Portuguese, and presented the problem of dual sovereignty in southern Gazaland. Who was in control over non-Shangana tribes: Gungunyane or the Portuguese?<sup>19</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">When it came to making important decisions, Gungunyane may not always have been his own master. His circle of advisors, both European and African, and his numerous relatives, influenced his decisions. One power behind the throne was Maguiguana (or Magejana), the <i>induna impi omeno</i>, or 'chief of all war', Gungunyane's greatest general. Rising from a lowly position under Mzila, and perhaps receiving some European training during a sojourn on the coast, Maguiguana was apparently not a Shangana or Nguni, but perhaps an Ndau, like the mother of Gungunyane, or else a Chope or Valenge.<sup>20</sup> Maguiguana was a member of the war party in the royal kraal and he advised Gungunyane as a secretary or even chancellor. As the Portuguese envoy, Almeida, observed: Gungunyane followed 'the thinking of his secretary Maguejana [sic] and of his numerous chiefs of war with whom he fears to differ, although he also fears a quarrel with us'.<sup>21</sup> Toward the end of his reign especially, Gungunyane found himself under pressure from Maguiguana and other warriors to drop negotiations and go to war with Portugal. Although the 'Lion' might bluster and threaten war, it was, nevertheless, out of character for him to cease negotiations.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The international conflict for Gazaland entered a new phase in i889 and 1890. The British South Africa Company threatened Portuguese sovereignty in southern Mozambique. Gungunyane confronted this most unscrupulous of concession-seekers at the same time as he was facing many others of a private sort. One of the earliest concessions granted in Gazaland by Mzila was a gold concession to one John Agnew in i874.<sup>22</sup> As early as January i888, Gungunyane received concession hunters, and he granted concessions in gold, land and pearls to Europeans during the years i888 to 1891. At first verbal and later written, these concessions were given in return for annual sums of money, usually in English gold.<sup>23</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Well before the arrival of Rhodes's agents in I890, the Portuguese recognized the craftiness of Gungunyane as a negotiator. He had the reputation of being 'insatiably ambitious', a 'shrewd intriguer', forever pursuing a policy of 'aggrandizement'.<sup>24</sup> Despite his faults, Gungunyane was never accused of being reckless and foolhardy. His Portuguese Boswell, Almeida, respected his sagacity in external as well as in internal affairs. Nearly every European who met him characterized him at first as simply a drunkard, but those who remained for any length of time in the kraal put his drinking in perspective. Certain Portuguese encouraged his drinking, sent wine shipments and hoped to 'inebriate his ambition'.<sup>25</sup> Almeida observed, however, that as a rule the chief declined to drink heavily until after a morning of business and dispensing justice. He claimed, moreover, that Gungunyane drank less than his subjects: '... it is not so much for the love of alcohol, as for the display of greatness that they drink... the prestige of the monarch of that large country is due, in great part, to these shows of grandeur, which all subjects envy, and which they competitively try to imitate.'<sup>26</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In 1890 Gungunyane ordered a ban on the sale of spirits in Gaza, and discouraged the Banyan traders' traffic in rum and wine. In mid-I899 the Portuguese passed an official decree forbidding the sale of spirits in Gazaland, and authorized Gungunyane to execute this law.27 This suggests the weakness of the Portuguese, and their willingness to use Gungunyane to rule Gaza, as well as the chief's determination to protect his own interests. Despite good intentions, the rum traffic continued.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Relations between Gungunyane and the Portuguese had slightly improved just as Dr Aurel Schulz arrived on his mission for Rhodes. Several months before, in September 1890, the chief, playing the diplomat, gave Portuguese agents a large ivory tusk as a sign of his respect for the recently deceased King Dom Luis I of Portugal.<sup>28</sup> Now he turned to consider an offer of guns, ammunition and money from an agent who claimed to represent the British government, and not merely a company. Gungunyane suspected that Schulz was a charlatan, so he made inquiries to people in his kraal, including Frank Colquhoun: 'does Dr Schulz really represent the Queen?' Colquhoun informed the company that he answered 'of course'<sup>29</sup>. At the same time, Gungunyane wrote to the British vice-consul, Smith de la Cour, in Lourenco Marques, and asked about Schulz, 'who says that he is the only white man who represents the British Government in Gazaland...'<sup>30</sup> Gungunyane craftily asked if the vice-consul had ceased to represent the Queen!</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although Smith de la Cour was the official British consul throughout 1891-2, he secretly aided Rhodes's plans. Anxious to see British influence furthered in Gazaland, he wrote confidential letters to the company for instructions as to how to reply to the Shangana messengers. Harris telegraphed back: 'Anchor [code name for Schulz] has full powers from Rhodes and Charter kindly therefore strengthen his position with King. Utmost importance no doubt on point in your reply. Chartered body is the Queen...'<sup>31</sup> Whether Gungunyane believed these assurances or not is unclear, for he remained cautious. During the negotiations at Manjacaze Dr Schulz gave a useful characterization of the chief: 'The King is a very suspicious and proud man. He will take no guarantee from white people.He wants the goods before he will sign.'<sup>32</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although the British South Africa Company finally settled for land and mineral rights in Gungunyane's territory, Rhodes's earliest plans included a 'Protectorate'. It is clear from the original instructions to Schulz in May 1890 that the agent was to obtain 'a British Protectorate and to hoist the British flag'.<sup>33</sup> Another agent for Rhodes, Dennis Doyle, visited Gungunyane in 1891, and considered establishing a 'White republic', with the chief's permission.34</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Whatever Rhodes's original plans, Schulz got Gungunyane to agree verbally to a concession treaty on 4 October i890. Although Schulz had no authorization from the British government for this, the concession was a 'Treaty of Alliance between the said Nation and the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, Queen Victoria'.35 The treaty was to be ratified in writing only after the delivery of 1,000 rifles, 20,000 cartridges and an annual subsidy. The goods requested were almost precisely the same gifts promised to Gungunyane's neighbour Lobengula, in the Rudd Concession,36 including 'two bulls, a horse, and a mastiff'. The promised goods were delivered to Gungunyane's kraal in February 1891; this episode and its repercussions have been discussed elsewhere.37</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite the great expense and trouble involved, the Schulz concession was invalidated by the signing of the Anglo-Portuguese treaty of 11 June 1891, whereby the kingdom of Gaza was partitioned between Britain and Portugal. This was a confirmation-though with less generous frontiers for Portugal-of the August 1890 convention between the two nations.<sup>38</sup> Northern Gazaland, in effect, became British territory, but the greater part of Gungunyane's kingdom in the south was officially recognized as Portuguese territory. In the realm of international diplomacy, at least, Gungunyane's fate was sealed by mid-I89I. Last-moment pressures by Rhodes and by Gungunyane failed to change this course of events. The British South Africa Company tried but failed early in 1891 to buy out the Mozambique Company, a chartered Portuguese body, which had stakes in Gaza.<sup>39</sup> In April i891 Gungunyane sent a delegation to Britain to seek a closer relationship with the queen. It is not clear whether or not this delegation asked for British protection, but the High Commissioner in South Africa later wrote to Gungunyane praising him for not doing so.<sup>40</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gungunyane was clever in his speeches during concession negotiations in that he used the presence of Portuguese officials to criticize concession seekers and play one group off against the other. He demanded the return of the Inhambane district to his rule, and accused the Portuguese of causing him to move his people south to fight the Chope.<sup>41</sup> He also prodded Rhodes's agents, and disputed the annual subsidy sum with Doyle, insisting for a period on £500 instead of £300. Doyle, fluent in the Zulu language, recorded an important speech by Gungunyane at a meeting on 6 November I89I. The following is the version recorded by Doyle:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>[Referring to the Portuguese] ... I have frequently demanded the return of tracts of my country now occupied by you. Moon after moon has passed, promises... you always say that we will give it back, O King; but you never do so, am I a woman? That I should be treated thus: and now today what you have done, you are building a Fort in my territory, I will not have that Fort there; pull it down and fill in the hole that you have made, if you do not, I will send an army to fill in the hole that you have made and I will see who will fire the first shot: It is not true that he [the King of Portugal] knows what you do. Why do you Portuguese object to my making friends with the English, you did not object to Umzila doing so, you did not object to my Grand-father doing so: O Portuguese there must be a day of reckoning. If I were to haul down that flag that stands as a token of friendship between my people and your people and hoist the English flag who would prevent me? When I wish to hand over my people to the English I will do so in the daylight, with the sun shining: Are not my people of the Gaza, of whom are they afraid? I am afraid of the English only. Now I say pull down the fort and let my people and my Father's lands be returned and give back the boats that you stole the other day on the Limpopo: the women of Gaza are the wives of the Gaza nation it may be that you Portuguese think it proper to take other men's wives, but the people of the Gaza say that every man's wife belongs to himself.<sup>42</sup><br />
</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the same time, when conferring with Almeida, the chief defended his dispatch of indunas to London in 1891, and resented Almeida's accusation that he sent messengers without Portugal's knowledge. He refused to admit to Almeida that they were sent to solicit British protection either on that trip or on the other occasions when embassies were sent to Natal. In private conferences with the Portuguese-unlike public meetings with Rhodes's agents present-he habitually professed friendship and alliance along traditional lines.<sup>43</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After the crisis of 1891, when the threat of a direct company intervention in Gazaland seemed over, the Portuguese officials proposed a peaceful 'wait-and-see' policy vis-d-vis Gungunyane. Almeida favoured a policy of peace and negotiation since, he believed, it would have been 'difficult' to defeat Gungunyane at that stage.<sup>44</sup> Antonio Enes, later Royal Commissioner in Mozambique, submitted an important report which recommended Portuguese tolerance of the 'semi-independence' of Gungunyane, while awaiting the opportunity to strike. Gungunyane, he wrote, was losing popularity due to the failure of his internal policy. Much to the disgust of his Nguni circle of advisors, he was now choosing court favourites from non-Nguni people of conquered tribes. The Shangana army now had fewer Nguni warriors and more recruits from weaker groups. Enes predicted that Gungunyane would not live long, because of his drinking, and that many sons would dispute the succession. With his nobles angered by arbitrary confiscations of cattle and women in raids, the chief was losing his popularity. While it over-emphasizes the weakness of Gungunyane, this report perceived the true policy of the chief when it described his desire for 'real and practical independence'.<sup>45</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Though he remained cautious and independent, Gungunyane was influenced by the personality of Almeida. When Almeida was not residente during 1892 and 1893, Gungunyane instructed his son, Mangua, who knew Portuguese through lessons with a Goanese teacher at the royal kraal, to write to Almeida. Dated 11 May 1892, this short Portuguese note is one of the few examples extant on paper of the chief's thoughts. He stated that he had rejected entreaties of English agents to 'become English' by answering that 'my father was of the Portuguese and I always must be Portuguese'. Anxious for Almeida's return to Gaza, he wrote this to renew relations.<sup>46</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although Almeida was then loathe to return even the slightest interest that Gungunyane displayed toward him, he was forced to return to Gaza on special business in late 1893. Almeida was now secretary and agent of the Mozambique Company, chartered by the king of Portugal in 1891. Due to Shangana raids in Mozambique Company territory north of the Sabi River, officials sought an agreement with Gungunyane. Almeida parleyed at the kraal between 30 October and 13 December 1893, and arrived at an agreement sworn to by Gungunyane on 19 November.<sup>47</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He swore in public banja (meeting) to recognize the right of the Mozambique Company to administer without his interference all of its concession land north of the Sabi. Gungunyane would receive half of the hut tax collected there as compensation for giving the company authority and for the use of his indunas and soldiers to guarantee 'public order' and to collect taxes. This agreement of fourteen articles, if actually agreed to by Gungunyane, suggests the cynical nature of the bargaining. Included are provisions that Gungunyane provide armed men to enable the company to conquer tribes in northern Gaza. Furthermore, the indunas were authorized by the modus vivendi to recruit among the Tonga all the labour necessary for public services. Almeida felt that this agreement would be a steppingstone toward greater control over the chief and 'co-administration' with the Shangana. Portuguese critics, nevertheless, maligned the deal as an appeasement of the 'bloodthirsty autocrat'. Envoy Almeida reasoned that the Mozambique Company had little choice in the matter, since neither the Portuguese administration nor the company possessed an army worthy of the name, and since the Shangana were militarily supreme and had been there since the 1820s.<sup>48</sup> Almeida claimed that it was actually illegal to use an army in Gaza by the terms of the 1891 royal charter of the Mozambique Company as well as by the 1885 Act of Vassalage, both of which recognized Gungunyane as the supreme authority in Gazaland.<sup>49</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Did Gungunyane mean to become a party to this agreement? The chief believed, perhaps, that the arrangement might increase his wealth and prestige. But though he swore to it in public, he did not put his mark to it, as he did to the Schulz Concession of i890, for reasons stated by Almeida: 'Gungunhana never signed it, nor does he sign any paper, because he cannot read it, nor does he trust a reading given to him, even though the reader might be his own son Mangua.'<sup>50</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A week after the modus vivendi was agreed upon, some 800 of the I,000 rifles given to Gungunyane by Rhodes's agents were destroyed in a hut fire near Manjacaze. Who was responsible for this? Was it an accident, as Almeida later claimed?<sup>51</sup> Almeida had a motive for destroying them, and he later prevented other arms from falling into the chief's hands.<sup>52</sup> Gungunyane was furious and insisted that the Portuguese government give him 1,000 new rifles and surrender the remaining heirs of Mzila, hiding in Swaziland. Despite Almeida's parting gift of ten oxen, three lion skins and two ivory tusks, the 'Lion of Gaza' demanded rifles. Gungunyane later claimed that Almeida had 'promised' these goods when leaving. Thus Shangana hostility toward the Portuguese, and toward concession seekers in general, increased after December i893. Continuing war with the Chope exacerbated the enmity. In this period the Shangana lost some 200 rifles in a war against the Chope.<sup>53</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In June 1894 Gungunyane lodged a formal, written protest with the British South Africa Company, using the services of the Swiss missionaries in or near his kraal. This document must have startled officials in Cape Town and London:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The occupation of lands for farming purposes, by white people within my boundaries, is an unwarranted proceeding as no grant whatever has been given by me to white people to farm, or otherwise to occupy land for agricultural purposes... [and I protest] against settlement in the Umsaapa [Musapa] district of my country, a district it was understood should be exempt from interferenceby white people, as I told Dr Aurel Schulz and the Felses in I890, I89I, when they were with me on behalf of the English people... [I have given to Mr Dennis Doyle] no grants whatever concerning rights in my country.54</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gungunyane now claimed that Aurel Schulz was his official agent. The Company dismissed this document as invalid,<sup>55</sup> noting that Maguiguana had not signed it, but they continued to pay Gungunyane his annual subsidies, amounting to £800, until the last payment made in person to the chief by Longden in September 1894.<sup>56</sup> Thereafter payment was made through the Portuguese government, 'thus avoiding direct intercourse with the Chief'.<sup>57</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As a final confrontation between the Shangana and the Portuguese forces approached, convulsions in Matabeleland and Swaziland aggravated the situation. There were close ties between Gungunyane and Lobengula. An older sister of Gungunyane became a wife of Lobengula sometime before 1887, and other ties of blood and marriage existed.58 The Matabele War of I893 spread waves of confusion into Gaza, and drove African refugees in several directions from Rhodesia. Portuguese authorities observed that a number of Ndebele fled from Rhodesia and settled in the lower Bilene area following an arrangement with Gungunyane.59 In June1895 the American Consul in Mozambique reported that, ever since the war in Rhodesia, Africans south of the Zambezi were 'in a state of unrest'.60 The Portuguese were not slow to hold up to Gungunyane the example of the defeat of his neighbours. In March 1894 an official told the residente at the royal kraal to inform Gungunyane that 'good words' were no longer sufficient; they wanted him to keep his word. The government, he stated, spent sums for the 'protection' of the chief's lands. Moreover, the Europeans had defeated Lobengula, and if Gungunyane were in trouble, he would need friends.61</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As Shangana grievances and fears mounted, so did Portuguese impatience. Trouble had been brewing for over a decade in Louren9o Marques district as petty Ronga chiefs struggled for supremacy. In 1894 a war began in this district which eventually drew in Gungunyane himself. There is no evidence which implicates the chief in the original hostilities, despite Portuguese accusations.<sup>62</sup> It is true, however, that in late 894 the 'Lion' sent indunas to get pledges of loyalty against the Portuguese in case of war; in the region within twenty miles of LourenCo Marques, in the Cossine and Magaia areas,the Portuguese reported that chiefs 'almost entirely' affirmed their loyalty to Gaza. It was also reported that Gungunyane let it be known that he would not oppose chiefs who made war on Portugal, and that he would remain 'neutral' while awaiting the outcome.<sup>63</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Warfare broke out on or about 22 August 1894, as Africans involved in a succession dispute resisted arrest by Portuguese African troops at Angoane.Within weeks, the peoples just north of Lourenzo Marques, led by Chief Mahazul and Matibejana of Zixaxa, attacked the town. Several attacks were launched between October 1894 and January 1895, all of them repulsed by</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the Portuguese garrison.<sup>64</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">II</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite wartime conditions and a growing Portuguese spirit of aggression toward Gazaland, negotiations between Gungunyane and his European opponents continued throughout the so-called '1895 Campaign' to within a day of the chief's capture. Patient negotiation by now, however, was impossible. The Portuguese considered the conflict 'a matter of life or death' for their control of Mozambique, and they dropped the cautious, peaceful policy of 1891-4. When the bold and ambitious Ant6nio Enes arrived in Lourenco Marques as Royal Commissioner in January 1895, he brought with him the blueprint for Gungunyane's undoing as a negotiator. Enes grimly set about building Portuguese strength to a force of over 2,000 European troops. At the battle of Marracuene, 2 February 1895, the Portuguese won a victory over the Ronga rebels by means of the machine-gun and repeating rifle.<sup>65</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Negotiations continued within the Manjacaze kraal. Gungunyane again requested Almeida's return in December 1894. At a meeting with the chief in late February 1895, a stand-in residente, Lieutenant Judice Bicker, obtained promises that the 'Lion' would not attack Inhambane, and that he would send an embassy to LourenCo Marques to sue for peace. Almeida returned as Portuguese envoy in March with instructions to bring Gungunyane to terms as a vassal of Portugal, or, failing that, to prevent Shangana interference in the serious revolt near Louren9o Marques.<sup>66</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Almeida found Gungunyane in an anxious and hesitant mood. Disturbed over the arrest, imprisonment and subsequent exile to Angola of some petty chiefs in southern Mozambique, the chief requested that their families be protected in his kraal.<sup>67</sup> When other rebel chiefs fled into his territory in early 1895, Gungunyane gave them protection as well. While Enes planned a three-column attack plan for Gazaland, Almeida vainly tried to fool Gungunyane into believing that no serious war plans were afoot. The chief's system of spies, Indian traders and foreign advisors, however, soon informed him that he was to be attacked from the coast. It is a tribute to Gungunyane's intelligence network that, within a week of the completion of Enes's plannedattack of April 3rd, Almeida wrote from Manjacaze that Gungunyane suspected an imminent Portuguese attack! Missionaries informed him that a large 'impi of whites', as he put it, was gathering. Almeida countered that the European troops had gathered only to attack the rebel chiefs.<sup>68</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The crisis worsened after the sudden death on 16 April of Gungunyane's second son, Mangua, apparently a victim of poison.<sup>69</sup> Almeida suspected a rival son, Godide, but there is also evidence that the chief himself might have murdered his pro-Portuguese, European-educated son, due to pressures from his aggressive retinue.<sup>70</sup> In May 1895 Gungunyane dispatched more envoys to sound out support in outlying regions. At the same time, he dispatched Shangana tax collectors, who in one area reportedly demanded over a pound in gold from each hut for the royal treasury. War with the Chope continued.<sup>71</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In eleventh-hour negotiations, Almeida was in a difficult position. His task of bringing Gungunyane under greater control was rapidly becoming impossible due to increasing bellicosity on each side, and to his own disagreements with his superior, Enes. The Royal Commissioner disliked Almeida, and had no confidence in him as an envoy. He facetiously referred to Almeida as 'the chartered tamer of the lion of Gaza',<sup>72</sup> and accused him of appeasing the chief. During the first week of June, Almeida accompanied several Shangana indunas to Lourengo Marques to confer with Enes, fulfilling Gungunyane's promise to parley with the government. The indunas asserted that they desired peace, but Enes refused to meet them in person and conferred only with Almeida. Enes's stated reason for this action and for refusing to receive the traditional African saguate (gift of tribute) from the envoys was that, by harbouring the Ronga rebels in Gaza, Gungunyanen had been a disloyal Portuguese vassal.<sup>73</sup> Nothing was decided in these conferences.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A number of sympathetic Europeans aided Gungunyane. The Fels, a missionary couple, acted as his agents into I895. Swiss missionaries nearby advised him, and probably encouraged his desire to keep the peace, but recommended that, if necessary, he should seek British protection. Several weeks after the hapless indunas left Louren9o Marques, two Swiss missionaries, Junod and Liengme, met with Enes. Liengme felt that all the Shangana chiefs-except for a few like Manhune (and perhaps Maguiguana)-wanted peace. Requiring Gungunyane to surrender refugees under his protection, he felt was an immoral and un-Christian act, since these men were 'guests' and he could not break his word. But Enes was adamant and this meeting was also fruitless. Enes rightly feared Liengme's influence over Gungunyane, but the missionary's position at the kraal is unclear.74</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Enes now assumed a tougher position, and on 14 July he issued his 'Conditions with which the submission of Chief Gungunhana will be accepted.'75 The sine qua non condition, one which the chief never fulfilled completely, was the surrender of Mahazul and Matibejana, Ronga chiefs, 'to be punished duly'. In the remaining fourteen conditions, the authorities demanded: an annual tribute of ?Io,ooo; Gungunyane's recognition of Portugal's right to establish military posts and garrison troops in Gaza; an end to the war between the chief and vassal chiefs; the placing of African armed forces at the disposal of Portugal; and, the last condition, that if Gungunyane failed to comply, 'he will lose the right to rule the lands of Gaza, thus occasioning chiefs of those lands to meet and choose his successor .</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Acceptance of these conditions would have meant the loss for Gungunyane of that 'real and practical independence' which Enes in i893 had acknowledged as his major objective. Gungunyane received the official document on 8 August, but refused to hand over his subject chiefs; he still claimed, nevertheless, that he wanted peace.76 A week later, Gungunyane stated his terms: Portuguese acceptance of saguate tribute from his people, in return for which the chief would surrender several important indunas to Enes, but not Mhazul and Matibejana. He claimed that he was willing to pay 1,000 in gold as tribute.<sup>77</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although it became evident to his Portuguese opponents that Gungunyane was committed to an eventual detente with Portugal, if not outright defeat, the chief refused to limit his negotiating position. Again contacting the British vice-consul at Lourenco Marques, now Roger Casement, he asked permission to send another embassy to Natal, as well as to Cape Town. Though advised against this, he sent envoys, with ivory tusks as gifts, via Pretoria to Natal and Cape Town to obtain a promise of protection or alliance. These ambassadors returned to Gaza in September 1895 after a journey of two months, and reported that nothing had been promised.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Until this last embassy had returned, Gungunyane hoped that he could enlist British aid at least to get protection against the military expeditions now camped on his frontiers. Others in his kraal, however, apparently felt that war was inevitable, and voted for it. Still refusing to surrender the rebels, Gungunyane stated on 19 August that he would pay the tribute demanded in the 'conditions' as well as accept the establishment of forts in Gaza. To balance this considerable concession, he declared that rough treatment from the Portuguese would force him to get the protection of 'the flag of other whites'.<sup>79</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although Enes believed that peace negotiations were finished by 15 August, desultory negotiations continued into September and later. Gungunyane now complained to Almeida that Portugal had broken the rules and had invaded Cossine territory, considered part of Gaza. Almeida himself complained to his superior that his position as Portuguese envoy had been severely compromised by this Portuguese aggression, and that peace was now impossible. Almeida left the kraal in mid-September, after several impis of Gungunyane were defeated by the Portuguese at Magul.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With his war party pressing for an all-out attack on the approaching Portuguese force, Gungunyane still held out for a negotiated peace settlement, and sent envoys to Enes to ask for peace on 20 September. He received no definite reply. His own war party prevailed by early November. On 7 November at Lake Coolela, not far from Manjacaze, the Portuguese, using effective small-arms fire, crushed some eight Shangana regiments. Coolela was a Waterloo for Gungunyane, and he packed up his treasury (which included over £2,000 in English gold), mounted an ox cart and fled from his kraal. For nearly a month his whereabouts were unknown. Some Portuguese officials believed that he had trekked to the Transvaal,<sup>80</sup> but he had fled to Chaimite, a village three days' march away, north of the Limpopo. Chaimite was a sacred village for the Shangana, as it was the resting place of the bones of Gungunyane's grandfather, Manikosi (Soshangane). Although several of Gungunyane's sons succeeded in escaping to the Transvaal, the chief himself did not leave the village.<sup>81</sup> On 28 December Mousinho de Albuquerque, now military governor of Gaza, after learning of the chief's location from informers, captured Gungunyane at Chaimite.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">True to his character, 'The Lion of Gaza' tried to negotiate with Portugal to the end. He sent envoys on 13 December to stop Albuquerque's march with the offer of gifts and of one of the rebel chiefs, Matibejana. Albuquerque was impressed by the fear Gungunyane inspired in the area through which he marched, but he refused to parley, demanded the remaining rebel, and marched on to accomplish his mission.82 The last years of Gungunyane-his exile and death in the Azores-represent an anticlimax to his years as a negotiator-warrior in Gaza.83</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>III</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Under Gungunyane, the Shangana empire shifted its centre of raiding, but actually increased its power relative to the impotency of Mzila's declining years. The Shangana system expanded its dominion as the Scramble enveloped Mozambique. The result was a clash between two raiding systems: African and European. The Portuguese were too weak to oppose the Shangana raiding system until after i889, when Gungunyane moved into the Limpopo valley. Thereafter, a series of circumstances moved the Portuguese to oppose Shangana hegemony, as it was inimical to their administration and to their own burgeoning political system of tribal allegiance in the Inhambane and LourenCo Marques districts.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gungunyane could not satisfy both his aggressive retinue and the increasingly aggressive Portuguese, and still survive. In fact, in the context of Gaza politics, after 1893 he acted more as a moderating influence than as an extremist. He based his negotiating position on his own power and on tradition. To his mind, the raiding system was a promised heritage.84 As the Portuguese grew in strength, as pressure from his warlike advisors increased, as his own army's power declined from the effects of labour migration, alcoholism, disease and internecine warfare, Gungunyane lost standing among the Shangana and, hence, bargaining power with the European. There is thus a marked contrast between his strong negotiating position before the 1894 rebellion and his agony after. Serious concessions to Portuguese demands were the result of this development as well as of the military defeats of his impis after February of 1895.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There is a 'credibility gap' between the negotiator's words and actions. If he was so anxious for British aid, why was there no final trek northward, back to the Rhodesian plateau, the land of 'other whites'? As is suggested by Brown with regard to the negotiations of <a href="http://history-of-the-ndebele.blogspot.com/">Lobengula</a>,<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Times, serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16px;"><strong><sup>85</sup></strong></span> in the case of Gungunyane we must be sceptical of the belief that he would finally commit his nation to British protection. After 1894 he was probably reconciling himself, and attempting to reconcile his followers, to an eventual arrangement of 'protection' under the Portuguese. The weight of tradition and the political strength of advisors like Maguiguana may have prevented a final trek. Jose de Almeida wrote a passage which sheds light on this problem:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">'No one could or should expect that Gungunhana would abandon this country completely, taking from it all his people, because such an act would go against his traditions and those of his nation, quite proud and warlike, who still vividly remember the bloody battles that brought these peoples[the Chope and others] under his rule.'<sup>86</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To characterize Gungunyane as merely an intriguer<sup>87</sup> is to misunderstand his position and to do an injustice to his talents. He fully realized that an end of negotiation might mean a disastrous war and end to his independence. In Royal Commissioner Antonio Enes, he met a bargainer with no more concessions to give. As the chief feared displeasing both extremes of opinion-the Portuguese or his generals-he was in a dilemma, which Almeida aptly described as 'the hesitation in which he agonizes'.<sup>88</sup> When it came to intrigue, a survey of the 895 campaign suggests that, with the exception of men of action like Enes and Albuquerque, the Portuguese were more inclined to intrigue and delay than was the leader of the Shangana. Enes had a mixed view of the chief: 'The so-called Vatua Shangana empire really was a power, and if it fell so rapidly and so easily, it was only because its chief was very able in his building it up, but had none of the qualities essential for defending it.'<sup>89</sup> Reluctant as a warrior, Gungunyane was primarily a negotiator who was better at tactics than at long-term strategy. He could not prevail against a Portuguese opponent who combined the mastery of European technology with a policy of no compromise. Some Europeans who observed the Scramble in southern Mozambique were dazzled by the power of Gungunyane. One Portuguese wrote that this was 'the greatest empire that the negro [sic] race has created in Eastern Africa'.<sup>90</sup> In early I89I, some British South Africa Company officials considered Gungunyane'a far more powerful chief than Lobengula',<sup>91</sup> and certainly were sceptical along with many others when news came of the chief's defeat and capture.<sup>92</sup></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A statement by a contemporary Portuguese in 1910 sums up Gungunyane's role. 'The Chief of the Vatua empire was an astute diplomat, who, seeing that we had no military forces to counter balance his power, succeeded in making obedient vassals of us.'93 When the balance of power shifted, the chief-diplomat was left with few instruments of persuasion.Despite his ultimate downfall, 'The Lion of Gaza' deserves the place he fills as the most important African monarch in modern Mozambique history. In the scramble for southern Africa, he is a remarkable example of an African leader who was more conscious of the realities of negotiating with Europeans than were many of his fellow chiefs. That he failed to keep intact his imperial heritage was due more to the conflicting pressures upon him than to his own flaws as a bargainer.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>SUMMARY</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gungunyane, paramount chief of the Shangana of Gazaland, 1884-95, was a very shrewd diplomat. A study of his diplomacy with Europeans suggests that his major goal was Shangana independence of action. From the beginning of his reign, Gungunyane was pressured to give concessions in both economic and political spheres. His capital was on the edge of the Rhodesian plateau until mid-I889, when the chief moved a large portion of his people as well as his capital southward to the Limpopo valley, Mozambique. This significant dislocation influenced later negotiations with Portugal. Although the chief was a strong personality, he was subject to pressures from his immediate-and in this case, warlike-African advisors. In negotiations with the British South Africa Company, the Mozambique Company and the Portuguese government, the African leader enjoyed the benefits of a fearful military reputation, a wide-reaching espionage system, and conflicts between British and Portuguese concession-seekers. A master of playing both ends against the middle to maintain his freedom of movement, Gungunyane found, nevertheless, that his diplomatic programme was undermined by Portuguese superiority in the use of firearms, disunity among the Shangana and their tributaries, and growing social disintegration caused by alcoholism, emigration, and European encroachment. His final military defeat by Portuguese forces in 1895 was not a true index of his talent as an African diplomat.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Notes.</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">* This article is in part the result of research carried on in Mozambique and Rhodesia, during the period from February till April, 1967. The author is indebted to the University of New Hampshire (U.S.A.) for allowing him to pursue this part of his research in Africa through a leave of absence, and to the University College of Rhodesia (Salisbury) for the opportunity to conduct research on this topic in Salisbury. The paper was presented at the Henderson Seminar, 22 April, I967.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 The traditional Portuguese rendering, 'Gungunhana', has been replaced by the Shangana or Shangaans pronunciation. The writer visited the Gaza area both in Mozambique and in Rhodesia in I967 and heard the word pronounced as 'Gungunyane'.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">2 L. H. Gann, A History of Southern Rhodesia: Early Days to 1934 (London, 1965), 98: Gungunhana 'lacked the ability of his father Umzila; he was a confirmed drunkard'.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">3 A. Toscano and J. Quintinha, A Derrocada do Imperio Vdtua (Lisbon, 1930), 53-63, 75-6.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">4 Trindade Coelho (ed.), Dezoito Annos em Africa. Notas E Documentos Para A Biographia Do Conselheiro Jose D'Almeida (Lisbon, I898), 64-8, 231-2, 285.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">5 E. P. Mathers, Zambesia (London, 1891), 400-12.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">6 Coelho, op. cit. 231-2.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">7 Philip Warhurst, Anglo-Portuguese Relations in South-Central Africa, 1890-1900 (London, I962), 20.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">8 James Duffy, Portuguese Africa (Cambridge, I959), 220, 23I; 'J. C. Paiva de Andrada', Grande Enciclopedia Portuguesa e Brasileira (Lisbon and Rio de Janeiro), xx, 25-6.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">9 Coelho, op. cit. 377. o1 Ibid. 31, io6.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">11 Rocha Martins, Historia das Colonias Portuguesas (Lisbon, I933), 294.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">12 Coelho, op. cit. 207-9, 283; F. Gastao de Almeida de Eca, Historia das Guerras no Zambeze (Lisbon, I953-4), II, 467-70; A. A. Caldas Xavier, 'Districto de Inhambane', Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa, series 7 (1887), I53-210.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">13 Coelho, op. cit. 207-9, 283.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">14 P. R. Warhurst, 'The scramble and African politics in Gazaland', in E. Stokes and R. Brown, The Zambesian Past (Manchester, I966), 53-4.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">15 Oral information gathered by the writer at Manjacaze, Mozambique in February, 1967.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">16 Residente to Secretary General, I6 June 1889, no. 96, Codice 2.14II, in Arquivo Historica de Mo9ambique, hereafter A.H.M. (Louren9o Marques).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">71 J. Paiva de Andrada to Neves Ferreira, 5 December 1889, in 'Cartas de Paiva de Andrada', Mozambique: Documentario Trimestral (Lourenco Marques, 1941), 100-4.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">18 Toscano and Quintinha, op. cit. 82; Antonio Enes, A Guerra D'Africa em 1895 (Lisbon, 1945 ed.). 19 Caetano Montez, Mouzinho (Lisbon, 1956), 83.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">20 J. Mousinho de Albuquerque, Relatorio Apresentado Ao Conselheiro... Governador Geral Interino da Provincia De Mocambique (Lisbon, I896), 41 note; Amadeu Cunha, Mousinho. A Sua Obra E A Sua Epoca (Lisbon, 1944), 220-I. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">21 Coelho, op. cit. 83.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">22 Tennant and Erasmus to Cecil Rhodes, 28 February, I894, file CT I/7/9; J. Livingstone to Rhodes, 13 September, I892, F. Colquhoun to Company, 24 March, I892, file HC 3/5/I7/5, National Archives (Salisbury, Rhodesia).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">23 Residente at Mossurise to Secretary General, 6 February i888, Codice 2.1411,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">24 Coelho, op. cit. 373. 25 Ibid. 274. 26 Ibid. 373.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">27 Smith de la Cour to Currey, 23 June I891, CT I/7/I2, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">28 Coelho, op. cit. 276.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">29 F. Colquhoun to R. Harris, 24 January I891, CT 1/7/2, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">30 Smith de la Cour to R. Harris, 24 January 1891, CT 1/7/I1, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">31 Smith de la Cour to Harris, 21, 30, 31 March 1891, CT I/7/12, N.A. Harris to Smith de la Cour, telegram, 2 February 1891, CT 1/7/11.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">32 Schulz to Secretary, 31 December I890, CT 1/7/9, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">33 R. Harris to Schulz, 29 May I890, CT 1/7/9, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">34 Dennis Doyle, 'With King Gungunhana', Fortnightly Review (London, July I891), 115-17. 35 Warhurst, 'The scramble and African politics', op. cit. 53-4.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">36 J. G. Lockhart and C. M. Woodhouse, Cecil Rhodes (New York, 1963), 220-I.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">37 Warhurst, Anglo-Portuguese Relations, 80-io6. For the text of the Schulz concession see F.O. C. 6495 (1891), Correspondence Relating to Great Britain and Portugal in East Africa, no. i, inclosure in no. 191, pp. 2I8-I9.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">38 Duffy, op. cit. 219-21; Warhurst, Anglo-Portuguese Relations, 91, 104-5.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">39 L. Gann, op. cit. 99.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">40 Loch to Gungunhana, 14 August I89I, HC 3/5/33/Io, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">41 'History given to Holohulu' (I89I?), CT x/7/4, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">42 D. Doyle and W. Longden to Secretary of B.S.A. Company, io November I89I, CT I/7/4, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">43 Residente to Secretary General, 9 October I89I, Caixa 4. 159, maco 13, A.H.M.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">44 Coelho, op. cit. 287-90.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">45 Enes, Mofambique (1893) Relatorio (Lisbon, I896), 174-8.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">46 Coelho, op. cit. 364-5. 47 Ibid; for text of modus vivendi, see 374-6.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">48 Ibid. 378-9.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">51 Ibid. 406-I7.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">49 Ibid. 377.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">52 Ibid. 470-80.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">50 Ibid. 381.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">53 Ibid. 4I3-14-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">54 Gungunhana to B.S.A. Company, 23 June 1894 (copy), HC 3/5/17/5. 55 Cf. note 54 (National Archives), pencilled in left corner of document 'The signature of Prime Minister "Magijahn" not attached-Document therefore invalid'. The 1894 document was signed by witnesses Dr Georges Louis Liengme, Aleida Gerber (Swiss missionaries) and P. Shumugan and four indunas.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">56 Rhodes to Soveral, Dec.? I894, HC 3/5/17/5, N.A.; W. Longden to 'Charter', telegram, i8 February 1915, A 3/I8/I8/4, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">57 Kimberley to MacDonald (copy), F.O., 21 November 1894, HC 3/5/17/5, N.A.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">58 Coelho, op. cit. 232-3, 324. 59 Ibid. 274, 457-8.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">60 Hollis to Uhl, 28 June I895, Despatches from U.S. Consuls in Lourenfo Marques...,Roll 2, National Archives, Washington, D.C.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">61 Military Commandant of Limpopo to Residente, 21 March I894, Caixa 4. I59, A.H.M.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">62 Mousinho de Albuquerque, Mofambique 1896-1898 (Lisbon, 1913 ed.), 39-40.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">63 Military Commandant, Inhampura, to Residente, i8 October 1894, Caixa 4. 159, maco 23, A.H.M.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">64 Marcello Caetano (ed.), As Campanhas de 1895 Segundo Os Contempordneos (Lisbon, 1945), 40-7.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">65 Carlos Selvagem, Portugal Militar (Lisbon, I934), 618-I9; Caetano, op. cit. 39-40.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">66 Coelho, op. cit. 516-18. 67 Enes, A Guerra, 310-II, 459.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">68 Coelho, op. cit. 459-60. 69 Ibid. 460-2.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">70 Toscano and Quintinha, op. cit. 89. 71 Coelho, op. cit. 473-5.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">72 Enes, A Guerra, 247-5I. 73 Ibid. 238-46.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">74 Ibid. 249-51; Almeida reported that Liengme had no influence with Gungunyane, but another Portuguese report contradicted this. Rosario to Military Commandant, 17 December I894, Caixa 4.159, maco 23, A.H.M.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">75 Coelho, op. cit. 504-5, for terms.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">76 Ibid. 5I6-I8. 77 Enes, A Guerra, 459-60.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">78 Warhurst, Anglo-Portuguese Relations, 107-7; Coelho, op. cit. 522-3.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">79 Ayres d'Ornellas, Cartas D'Africa (Lisbon, 1930), 85; Enes, op. cit., 310-II.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">80 Coelho, op. cit. 499, 511, 523; Caetano, op. cit. 158-60.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">81 Ornellas, op. cit. 97-8, 291-5, 305; Toscano and Quintinha, op. cit. 360.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">82 Albuquerque, Relatorio Apresentado A. Conseilheizo Correia E Lanfa (Lisbon, I896), 35-45; Albuquerque, Livro das Campanhas (Lisbon, I935), I, 43-7.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">83 For the exiled years of Gungunyane, see Pedro de Merelim, 'Os Vatuas na Ilha Ter9eira', Atlantida (Angra do Heroismo, Azores Islands), iv, (1960), 317-I8, and my forthcoming chapter, 'Gungunhana', in Norman R. Bennett (ed.), Leadership in Eastern Africa (Boston University Press, 1968).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">84 Residente to Secretary General, ?November I89I, Caixa 4.159, A.H.M.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">85 R. Brown, 'Aspects of the scramble for Matabeleland', in Stokes and Brown, op. cit.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">86 Coelho, op. cit. 377.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">87 Duffy's interpretation in Portuguese Africa (232) is an echoing of an earlier one in the Royal Naval Intelligence Division's A Manual of Portuguese East Africa (London, 19I9), 499-500. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">88 Coelho, op. cit. 83. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">89 Enes, op. cit., 128.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">90 Coelho, op. cit. 83.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">91 'Gazaland' entry in LO 8/i/i Minute Book, p. 44, N.A. (Salisbury).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">92 Many Europeans refused to believe that Gungunyane was defeated when the news first came out. The U.S. Consul in Mozambique was no exception. Hollis to Uhl, January I896, Despatches N.A. (Washington, D.C.)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">93 David Rodrigues, 'A Ocupagao de Mocambique', Revista da Infanteria (Lisbon, 1910), 150.</div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-91335834996778578722011-08-01T21:03:00.000+01:002011-08-01T21:03:44.680+01:00A Tribute To Henry Cele (Shaka Zulu Film)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;">Anyone who has watched the South African Broadcasting Corporation's Shaka Zulu miniseries will agree with me that many millions will always associate Henry Cele with <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/07/zulu-and-xhosa-praise-poetry-and-song.html">Shaka Zulu</a>. His performance in that film was one of the most passionate displays of acting brilliance that I have ever seen. He really put Africa on the map. Henry Cele passed away five years ago. He lived a short life having been born on 30th January 1949 and passed away on 2nd November, 2007.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Below is a snapshot of his performances in Shaka Zulu. The background music is from Margaret Singana, <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/06/shaka-zulu-film-we-are-growing-lyrics.html">'We are Growing'</a> whose words you can find by clicking <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/06/shaka-zulu-film-we-are-growing-lyrics.html">here</a>. </div><br />
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</div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-70562570399163908922011-07-29T18:01:00.001+01:002011-07-29T18:02:25.284+01:00Traditional Zulu God Names<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="336">The Zulu Notion of God according to the Traditional Zulu God-Names<br />
Author(s): Rev. W. Wanger<br />
Source: Anthropos, Bd. 18/19, H. 4./6. (Jul. - Dec., 1923/1924), pp. 656-687<br />
Published by: Anthropos Institute </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_hdrnn5="351" closure_uid_mf9sny="336"></div><div align="justify" closure_uid_hdrnn5="350" closure_uid_mf9sny="336"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="364"><div closure_uid_lkraux="328">The readers of "Anthropos" need scarcely be told that the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/06/some-zulu-customs-and-traditions-1911.html">Zulus</a> form the extreme South East of the Ntu field. By Zulu, in this treatise, we mean not only the pure Zulu in, or out of, Zulu-land, but all the Zulu-speaking tribes of southern South Africa, such as the La1as, Bacas, Swazis, &c. We might include as well the Tebe1es, that is, the inhabitants of Matabeleland (recte 'Matebeleland' or rather 'Tebeland'), as far, as they are descendants of those pure Zulus or Zulu-speaking Ntus who, under the leadership of a pure Zulu of the Kumalo tribe, seceded from the Zulu king Tshaka, and became the nucleus of the former Tebele kingdom. However we shall not refer to them expressly, nor to the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2009/08/angoni-by-whj-rangeley.html">Ngonis</a> (Wangoni, Angoni) W. and E. of the Nyasa, who also are descendants of pure Zulus and Zulu-speaking Ntus as shown by their very name <i>(w)aNgoni</i>, the Zulu <i>abaNguni</i> which is but another, and older name for <i>amaZulu</i>. </div></div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="364"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="364">The question I wish to discuss is this: Have the Zulus any notion of the true God? And if they have, what kind of notion have they? The answer to this question I intend basing (as can be seen by the heading), in the main, upon their traditional God-names and the traditions clustering round them; but there is nothing to prevent us from drawing for additional proofs on any available source, within or without the Ntu circle. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="364"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="364">It is truly remarkable what a vexed problem this question has been from the very beginning, that is, the time of the first missionaries (non-Catholic) down to our own days. And yet, it seems to me, the facts were obvious enough. Therefore, beïore settling down to our subject, it may be as well to point out at least some of the reasons that contributed to obscuring those facts.<br />
<br />
One was, I believe, the great difference between Ntu paganism and the types of paganism with which the missionaries (all of them Europeans) were familiar, that is, chiefly Greek, Roman, Teutonic, and Celtic paganism.<br />
<br />
All these were polytheistic forms of paganism, while Ntu paganism, whereever unmixed with foreign importations, is monotheistic, paradox as it may seem. The Ntus are pagans, but not because they have no knowledge whatever of the true God. They are pagans because they pay divine worship to the spirits of their dead blood-relations (this is usually, though wrongly, called 'ancestor-worship'), but they never identified them with God, with the Creator, the Maker. They are pagans by adhering to innumerable forms of superstitious beliefs, culminating in fetish-worship, as practised by part of the Ntu peoples, but they never identified any of the superstitious powers in which they believe, with the Creator.<br />
<br />
Again, the forms of paganism with which those missionaries were familiar, were surrounded with all the externals and paraphernalia of religious worship. There was a priesthood set aside for it, there were temples, idols, altars, sacrifices, oblations, and so on. To the newcomer nothing of all this is apparent in the South East of Ntuland: seemingly no priesthood, no temples, not even idols or fetishes of any kind, no altars, no sacrifices. The natural conclusion is: here is a people without any religion whatsoever, and a <i>fortiori</i> without any knowledge of God. And yet, in reality, all these things do exist among the Zulu-speaking peoples as well as in the whole Ntu S. E., although in forms unfamiliar to the European. The place of the temple is taken by the sacred circle of the <i>isi-baya</i> or 'cattlekraal', the only place where the solemn sacrifice may be performed. The <i>um-samo</i> (back part) of the principal hut or else the <i>u-hoho</i> (pantry hut) belonging to it, is the altar. The <i>um-numzana</i> or 'kraalhead', and he alone, is the sacrificing priest, while the other part of priesthood is exercised by the <i>aba-ngoma</i> or 'diviners' or rather 'prophets'. And all these forms of 'divine' cult or worship, if they were but directed to the true God, would be substantially as Mosaic as those of the Old Law .<br />
<br />
The missionaries being confronted by monotheistic heathens of whose monotheism they knew nothing, and by an apparent absence of any religion, could scarcely help being biassed: that such a people should have any notion of the true God, was preposterous. And this bias continued to make itself felt generations after the first missionaries.<br />
<br />
<div closure_uid_b0madd="342">Another of these obscuring causes was science. The science of those days, whether materialistic or rationalistic, had but one thing to prove, viz. that there is no such thing as the God of the Bible or of Christianity. Science was in quest of 'primitive' peoples who knew nothing of that God. And travellers of those early days, with scant or no equipment for truly scientific, much less for theological research, with practically no knowledge of the respective native languages, those travellers whom I styled elsewhere 1 "scientists of the journalistic reporter type", told the world that in the S. E. of Africa they had found peoples who had no religion whatsoever. And the missionaries who came after them, concurred. No wonder that "science" was triumphant. I remember the time, as recent as the eighties of the last century, when our professor oï religion told us youngsters of this "triumph of science". And this science did not fail to impress most, if not all, of those early missionaries. If one reads Moffat, Dohne, Callaway, &c, one cannot help being struck by the deeply rooted, ever and ever recurring "scientific" bias holding that it was out of question to find a knowledge of God among the primitive peoples of South Africa. </div></div><div align="justify"><br />
As a third of these obscuring reasons I mention the 'colour-bar', taking it in its widest sense. It could not possibly be allowed that these blacks, these niggers, these barbarous savages, these heathens, knew of the true God. It was simply impossible that these heathens knew already of the One Whom they, the missionaries, the representatives of a superior race, had come to announce to them. Of course, this attitude of their mentality was not put down by them in black and white as bluntly as I have stated it, in fact, very likely they were not even personally conscious of it. But anyone who knows how to read between the lines, will find that the fact is not overstated. There have been exceptions, one of them being Colenso who wrote in 1855 2, "The amount of unnecessary hindrance to the reception of the Gospel, which must be caused by forcing upon them an entirely new name for the Supreme Being, without distinctly connecting it with their own two names (he alludes to <i>uNkulunkulu</i> and <i>umVelingqangi</i>), will be obvious to any thoughtful mind. It must make a kind of chasm between their old life and the new one to which they are invited; and it must be long before they can become able, as it were, to bridge over the gulf, and make out for themselves, that this strange name, which is preached to them, is only the white man's name for the same Great Being, of whom they have heard their fathers and mothers speak in their childhood."<br />
<br />
A fourth of those obscuring causes may be found in human "weaknesses"<br />
<br />
A goodly number of missionaries of the one or other Methodistic denominations impugn the Zulu God-name <i>uNkulunkulu</i> for the only reason lhat their "forefathers" had given to the Zulus the God-name (?) <i>uTixo</i>, which, figuring, as it does, in all their Bibles and religious writings, is "hallowed by a venerable age". Practically, I believe, there is no longer any missionary in S.Africa who doubts <i>uNkulunkulu</i> to be a traditional Zulu God-name, and, at that, the one most in use among the Zulus themselves. But to cease opposing it, would be tantamount to publicly avowing the mistake made by their fore- fathers.<br />
<br />
Another human weakness is instanced by Callaway. We are far from wishing to belittle his person or to judge of his motives; but we have to reckon with the historical fact that Callaway showed a pronounced antagonism against Colenso, in other matters as well as in linguistic and ethnological, and especially in the <i>uNkulunkulu</i>-qnestion in which Colenso and Callaway were the exponents of pro and contra. His research work for, and the writing of, his "Religious System of the <i>amaZulu</i>" 3 was biased by a foregone conclusion, viz. that UNKULUNKULU could not, or perhaps even must not, be that which Colenso had proclaimed and defended it to be, namely a traditional genuine Zulu God-name. And this leads us on to the next point.<br />
<br />
A fifth of these obscuring causes consists in the fact that it is a very difficult art to draw genuine information from the natives. </div><div align="justify"><br />
<div closure_uid_b0madd="347">The chief obstacle by which the European inquirer is confronted, is - who would have thought that of the African savage? - the politeness of his would-be native informant. From earliest childhood he has been trained to be polite towards his superiors, polite even at the expense of truth: if he knows that a 'yes' is expected, 'yes' it will be; and if he supposes a 'no' to please his superior, it will be 'no'. And why not, if it please so the master? But this is hypocrisy ! No, says the native, this is politeness, this is etiquette. Of course, casual information of quite an incidental or occasional nature, is not exposed to this danger of native politeness. But if engaged in systematic research work, one cannot depend of casual information alone. The only remedy is to train one's native informants. To achieve that, the first step will be to gain their confidence. This, then, will be the stepping stone from which to lead them on to the firm belief that the master will be gravely displeased if he finds that they have been impolite towards truth. The writer speaks from personal experience of long years. And he is convinced that, if once the barrier of politeness towards the superior has been broken down (in the above sense), the Ntu informant can be trusted as much as that of any other nation.</div><br />
But this is not all. The European inquirer will have to train himself as well. To what? To not letting out his personal views or convictions beforehand. An untrained inquirer will do so unawares, and in this case, his native informant, especially the untrained, will but reproduce the views of his inquirer: hypnotizer and hypnotized. Unfortunately Callaway's tendency, his antagonism against Colenso, was not the best of dispositions for an impartial inquirer. This is why I wrote as early as in 1913 4 "The absolute value of statements may have been impaired by this very tendency, which necessarily revealed itself in his questions, in the strain of his inquiries, and in conversations he must have held with his several informants previous to writing down their statements".<br />
<br />
Besides the foregoing, there are some other things which render the art of inquiring from a native by a European difficult, and this brings us to-<br />
<br />
The sixth of those obscuring causes:- insufficient linguistic and philological training.<br />
<br />
There are three words with which we shall be much concerned in the sequel. If written without any capital and signs to indicate dynamic accents and the pitch of voice (tone), they present themselves as only two, viz.-<br />
<br />
i If we write the same with distinguishing signs<br />
(1) unkulunkulu in order to indicate their actual native pronunciation,<br />
(2) ukulukulu. we have-<br />
ii<br />
(1) 'únkulunkúlü And if, finally, we distinguish the word we are<br />
(2 a) ukúlàkulà going to prove to be a God-name, with a capital, we have-<br />
(3 a) unkúlunkúlu.<br />
<br />
</div><div align="justify"><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">iii The two words under i, appear as three under ii </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">(1) *úÑkulünkúlu and iii, because unkúlunkúlu figures twice in ii and iii. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">(2 a) ukúlukúlu Once, if we consider the dynamic accents alone, it </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">(2b) unkúlunkúlu. figures as únkulunkúlu or úNkulunkúlu, and the other time as únkulunkúlu- it should not have proved so very difficult to perceive at least this difference. And if we consider now the musical tones, once it figures as 'únkulànkúlà or 'úNkulunkúlu, and the other time as iinkúlünkúlii. For such marked differences there must be a reason. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">The reason, in our opinion, is that iii(l) presents itself as uNjkulu- n-kulu, i. e., uN + doubled kulu 'great', meaning therefore 'the greatest uN', whilst the genesis of iii(2b) is as follows. Its simple and primary form is u/kulu-kulu, and here kulu means 'great', no longer in the sense of 'high, exalted', but in that of 'old', as it is the case in terms of relationship throughout. Thus, proceeding from <em>u-baba</em> 'father' and <em>u-ma(me)</em> 'mother', we find <em>u/bába- m-kúlu</em>, <em>u/má(me)-kúlu</em> lit. 'the old father, mother', actually 'grandfather, grandmother'. And both, especially the latter, are addressed in short as u- kulu lit. 'the old one'. And <em>u/kúlu-kúlu</em> is, of course, nothing but doubled u-kulu, signifying, as it does, an <em>u-kulu</em> of a superlative degree : 'the oldest father or mother', i. e., 'the protoparent, male or female', be it with regard to mankind in general, or to a given people. We find also the diminutive u/kúlu-kulw-áne of u/kálu-kúlu: one less old than <em>ukúlukúlu</em>. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">In the ascending line, one uses the following terms- </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">1st degree <em>u-baba</em> father, <em>u-ma(me</em>) mother </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">2nd „ <em closure_uid_b0madd="354">u/baba-m-kulu</em> or <em>u-kulu</em> grandfather, <em>u/ma(me)-kulu</em> or <em>u-kulu</em> grandmother 3rd „ <em>u-koko</em> great-grandfather, great-grándmother (in a wider sense 'ancestor' in general) </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">4th „ <em>u-koko ka-koko</em> great-great-grandfather, great-great-grandmother </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">5th „ <em>u-koko wao-koko</em> great-great-great-grandfather, great-great-great- grandmother (in a wider sense: any ancestor beyond the 4th degree), one with - u/kúlu-kulw-áne - un/kúlu-n-kulw-áne (in a wider sense : any more or less immediate descendant of the ukúlukúlu = únkulu- nkúlu). The only difference between ukoko waokoko and <em>u(n)kúlu(n)kulwáne</em> is one of thought, the former being the result of ascending, the latter that of descending reckoning, </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">ultimate <em>u/kúlu-kúlu</em> = <em>un/kúlu-n-kúlu</em> protoparent, first man, first woman, degree originator (of mankind, of a people, &c). </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">As to the actual use of language, there is not the least doubt that ukúlukúlu and unkúlunkúlu, and their dim. ukúlukulwáne and unkúlunkulwáne are identical. Nor is there any doubt that ukúlukúlu is the primary, and unkúlunkúlu the secondary form. But how can we explain the origin of this secondary form? One answer would be: it is the nunnated form of ujkulu-kulu. And whence the nunnation? Philologically it is a case of u-m(u)/kulu~m(u)-kulu> u-n/kulu-n- kulu. The change of class-prefix (cl. 1 and 4) and preposition <em>mu</em> to <em>n</em> is well instanced in Zulu (though it has so far escaped the notice of other Zuluists), as m(u) of ama-aba-class: - </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">u-m(u)/kulu-kundhl-eni > u-n/kulii-kundhlení </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">u-mu/ or rather u-ma/gaxa'butweni> u-n/gaxa-butweni </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">u-m(u)/tembazane> u-n/tembazane </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">u-m(u)/Hlabati (Earth-man, Adam) > u-n/Hlabati. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">m(u) of umu-imi-class: -</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"> u-m(u)/gazi > u-n/gazi. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">preposition mu:- </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">mu-tambama > ma-tambama in the early afternoon </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">mu-tambama > n-tambama in the later afternoon </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">mu-sundu> n-sundu (in the state of being black) black </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">mu-zima > n-zima (in the state of being heavy) heavy. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">But why does original u-mu/kula-ma-kala change to u-n/kala-n-kulu, and not to u-mkulu-m-kulu, especially in view of such forms as m-kulu 'he, she, it, is tall, u-m'kula 'the superior', u/baba-m-kula? The answer is that we cannot account for the genius of a language- why, e. g., should original ma- tambama change, in the one case, to ma-tambama, and in the other, to n- tambama, and why should the former mean 'in the early afternoon', and the latter 'in the later afternoon', while etymologically both are one and the same? However, in the case of unkulunkulu, the change may be due to a certain influence from úNkulunkulu, to a false analogy. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">If the "phonetic" writing of Zulu had not been, and were not, as imperfect as it is, in other words, if the dynamic accents and the musical tones had been represented in writing, if, further, the God-name had been distinguished by a capital, or else, if at least the ear of the Colensos and Callaways, &c, had been trained enought to perceive the accents and tones as they came forth from the mouth of the natives, and if the organs of speech of the European inquirers had been moulded just so much as to be able to distinguish somehow between 'únkulunkúlu and unkulunkúlu, in all likelihood there would have never arisen sucha perplexing question as the unkulunkulu- question has been, especially since the time of Callaway, down to our own days. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">What an inextricable chaos must have been caused in the ears and minds of the natives by the deficient or wrong pronunciation of unkulunkula and ukulakulu from the part of the European inquirers?! As a further illustration, I give the three words <em>ibélè</em> fern, breast, <em>ibêle</em> sorghum or 'kafircorn', and <em>ibëlè</em> small skin. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">As a seventh of those obscuring reasons, I mention the fact of religious tradition having not been preserved with the same exactitude in every tribe, nor in every family, much less by every individual native. On the contrary, there are reasons for believing that also among the Ntus in olden times only certain families (in whom a kind of priesthood was hereditary?) were the official keepers of those traditions. On the other hand, it is quite remarkable with what tenacity and uniformity the Zulus have preserved certain single words, standing out in strong relief like monoliths, and a few phrases, as short and precise as answers in a catechism. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">An eighth of those obscuring causes lies in the difficulty to find the limit where the genuine rendering of the old traditions, as handed down from time immemorial, ends, and personal speculation of the individual native acting as informant, begins. Add to this what has been said above (fifth reason) on such an informant having been directly or indirectly influenced by the views and preconceived theories of the European inquirer. A glaring instance is Mpengula Mbanda, Callaway's chief informant. Mpengula, whom, as it happens, I have known for many years, is certainly an intelligent native. To call him a "Zulu philosopher" (Die Religion der afrikanischen Naturvölker, W. Schneider, Münster 1891, p. 66), is to do him too much honour. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">A ninth of those obscuring causes lies in expecting too much from the natives: were they able to explain all their traditions, represented sometimes in a single word, they would never have become what they actually are, namely pagans, nor would those traditions be referred to by themselves, as they oc- casionally will be, as <em>izinganekwane</em>, that is, stories no longer understood. What we can expect from them, is to state the <em>ukutsho kwabadala</em>, i. e., that which they were told by the old people. Pressed beyond that, they will turn into "philosophers". And if then that "philosophy" of theirs is further deve- loped and construed into what is apt to serve as confirmation of a tendency like Callaway's, it is easy to gauge the absolute value of such a "philosophy" and the European comments on it. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">Some of my readers have, perhaps, grown impatient at the prolixity of these many "obscuring reasons"- my defence must be that it takes rather a time to get off all the dust accumulated on our subject in the course of nearly three quarters of a century. Others may have come to think that I am deter- mined on tearing to rags any and all 'evidence' collected in previous times on our subject- my answer will be that the only object I have had in view, is to prepare the ground for sifting true evidence from false. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><strong>COLENSO</strong>. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">None of the scientists whose respective publications have come under my notice, has quoted, or referred to, what Colenso put down in writing as early as 1855 (two years before Dohne published his Zulu-Kafir Dictionary, in which he laid down his view of the meaning of unkulunkulu; and many years before Callaway wrote his "Religious System of the amaZulu") in his "Ten Weeks in Natal". When collecting the material published therein, the learned Cambridge man was fresh from home, just appointed to the (Anglican) See of Natal, quite new to Natal and Zululand, with no party feeling, with no bias, on the uNkulunkulu-problem, for the simple reason that, at that time, there was no such problem, except in quite another sense, wanting, as he did, to oust the non-Zulu <em>uTixo</em>, and give the Zulus, if possible, one of their own God-names. At the time of his first inquiries, Colenso did not yet know Zulu, but he could entirely rely on Sir Theophilus Shepstone, the uSomseu of the Zulus, who was a perfect "Zulu with a white skin" as far as language is concerned. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">As to his scientific, and especially theological tenets, Colenso was a child of his time. I need but remind my readers that it is this same Colenso who is the author of the famous commentaries on the Pentateuch and the Book of Josuah which caused so much stir within and withouth the Anglican Church. As theologian, therefore, he was the exponent of the extreme left of the 'radicals'. Since Colenso has been sincere enough to admit the existence of the amount of original tradition that he actually found among the Zulus, instead of joining the chorus of contemporary scientists who were practically unanimous in making of the Zulus complete atheists, his testimony must be accepted as being beyond exception. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">If the extracts I am giving below from the above book, are lengthier than I could wish myself, it must be put down to the importance of the subject, and also to the fact of "Ten Weeks in Natal" being long out of print, so that mere references would be useless to the average reader. The passages are presented in the same geographical and historical order as I found them in Colenso's book. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">At Edendale Mission. Our next scene was a private interview with the twelve chief men of the station ... I found, as I had been led to expect by Mr. Allison, that his people were unanimous in their disapproval of the word for God, now commonly in use among the Missionaries- uTixo- which, they said, "had no meaning whatever for the Kafirs. They used it because they found it in their Bibles; but it was not a word of their language at all". "The proper word for God was <em>iTongo</em>, which meant with them a Power of Universal Influence- a Being under whom all around was placed." "For instance, said one, if we were going on an expedtiion, we should, in ordinary circum- stances, have trusted to our household gods, which we call <em>amaHlose</em> (in later publications Colenso spelled it rightly <em>amaDhlozi</em>); but if some unusual danger of the desert threatened us, or if a violent storm terrified us, we sjiould throw these away, and trust in iTongo. All the Kafir tribes, whether on the frontier or to the north, would understand iTongo; but the latter would have no idea whatever of what was meant by uTixo, though the former are now used to it through the Missionaries." </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">I may here mention, before I pass on, that, having received this important information, I resolved to direct my inquiries especially to this point, when- ever opportunity should be afforded me, in my intercourse with the Kafirs of the district. The conclusion to which I have come (and for which the Journal, as it proceeds, will sufficiently supply the reasons), is, that these Kafirs were undoubtedly right in condemning the word uTixo, as one utterly without meaning in the Kafir tongue, . . . The origin of this word is very uncertain; but it is said to be the name of a species of mantis, which is called the "Hotten- tots' god". At all events, it would seem that Dr. Vanderkemp, who first laboured among the Hottentots some sixty years ago, adopted this word in. his teaching as the name of God; and the Wesleyan and other Missionaries have carried it from west to east, first among the British Kafirs, and now among the tribes of Natal. Meanwhile, they have not noticed at all two names, which the Kafirs have of their own for the Deity, and which in their language have most expressive meanings. Here, however, as my further inquiries convinced me, Mr. Allison's Kafirs were in error. It is true that all the Kafirs of the Natal district believe in iTongo (plural, amaTongo) and amaDhlozi; and it is very likely that the former may be regarded as having the universal tribal in- fluence they spoke of, in distinction from the limited family influence of the latter. (It did not occur to me to press this inquiry.- There is no such distinction between amaTongo and amaDhlozi.- The Author.) But these words are certainly used by them only with reference to the spirits of the dea d- not to the Great Being, whom they regard as their Creator; . . . The true words for the Deity in the Kafir language- at least in all this part of Africa- are umKulunkulu (he corrected it later on into uNkulunkulu- The Author), literally, The Great-Great One = The Almighty (wrong, the literal meaning being 'the all-great uN' = the all-great God in heaven- The Author), and umVelinqange (recite, umVelingqangi)- The First Comer-Out = The First Essence, or, rather, Existence (the last is the nearest - The Au- thor). It will be seen, as my narrative proceeds, that in e v e r y instance, whether in the heathen kraal, amidst the wildest of savages, or in the Missionary station, in the presence of the teacher, w.ho was surprised him- self at the result, my inquiries led me invariably to the same point - namely, that these words have been familiartothem from their childhood, as names for Him 'who created them and all things,' and as traces of a religious knowledge, which, however originally derived, their ancestors possessed long be- fore the arrival of Missionaries, and have handed down to the present generation. The amount of unnecessary hindrance . . . (already quoted p. 658). This evil (sc. of forcing upon the Zulus a non-Zulu God-name), it will be seen, has been felt by both the American and Norwegian Missionaries. Mr. Allison objects to the name uTixo, and adopts iNehova, the Hebrew name for God. I cannot account for his people not even naming to me the two other names, uNkulunkula and umVelingqangi, which, in every other instance (all the foregoing whitenings, except this, are mine - The Author), were given to me at once by the natives. They might have done so, if I had asked for them ; but, at the time of my visit to them, I was not alive to the importance of the question. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="348">At Pakade's. Ngoza was asked, "Did he know the Prayer, beginning, Baba wetu, &c, Our Father, &c?" "Yes!" "Did he know Who it was that was there spoken of?" "We did not know, until the white people told us." "Did he know anything about uNkulunkulu before?" "Yes; they all knew that everything came from Hi m." "Say (this to Sir TH. Shepstone) that I am sent to tell them more about Him."</div></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><div closure_uid_b0madd="360">They said that "amaTongo and amaDhlozi were certainly not the same as uNkulunkulu: for they could not be till man was created; in short, they were departed spirits, but uNkulunkulu made all things." </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360">"We've missed the truth by very little, after all: for we pray to unseen spirits, and you to one unseen Being." </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360">They told me of the old Kafir tradition, that "uNkulunkulu sent the word of life by the chameleon, and then he sent the word of death by a lizard; but the lizard outran the chameleon". </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360">One thing, however, we ascertained from them- and a very important fact it was to be gathered from such a set of complete heathens- namely, that they did know of uNkulunkulu by their own tradition s- that He was the same as umVelingqangi, the First Out-Comer- and that they had heard lately of uTixo, and supposed that he must be somehow the same. "But, the chief said, there was a complete separation in these matters between the black and the white - we could not at all understand each other." Mr. Shepstone ex- plained, that "I thought there was not so great a separation as he supposed"- that "we believed in uNkulunkulu (the Great-Great-One), as well as they"- and that "I was sent to tell them more about Him, what He had done, and what He was doing, for them". It is incalculable what mischief must be done by the adoptions of this barbarous, unmeaning Hottentot name (uTixo), for one which is connected in the mind of the Kafir with such grand associations, as Almight- iness and Original Existence- however much they may have lost sight of the full meaning of their own expressive words for the Deity. They are the very ideas contained in the Hebrew words Elohim and Jehova... </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360">After we had recovered (the following morning) our seats, Mr. Shepstone began by asking the chief, "What he thought of that?" He said "We quite beat him last night, with talking of the uNkulunkulu, and saying that we prayed toHim inEngland; for he saw there was not so great a separation after all." We were perfectly taken by surprise with this answer; for we had fancied that he had scarcely noticed this observation of ours overnight. But it seems he had, and, though he had said nothing at the time, had been pondering since upon it. </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="360">At Langalibalele's. Mr. Shepstone has just put into the chief's hand a spoonful of brown sugar, which he eats with great zest, and stuffs a portion into the mouth of his right-hand neighbour, and then licks his hand when he has finished it. He has just asked Mr. Shepstone, "How is sugar made?" "It's made by boiling." "Ah! then you are taught that by the umVelingqangi" It should be observed, that we had not said a word to him or his people on the subject of religion; so that here we had this heathen Kafir, oí his own accord, refering the wisdom, which he saw we possessed, so superior to his own, to the Great Source of all Wisdom. We caught, of course, at this word. "Whom do "you mean by umVelingqangi?" "He made men- he made the mountains- he gave them names. Do you know," he asked, "who gave the Tukela (a river) its name?" "No." "Then it must be umVelingqangi: for we do not know who did." We asked, "Who was the uNkulunkulu?" He said, "He was the same." "Did they know anything about the creation? Had they any tradition about it?" "No (such a negation has often, as also here, not the sense of a flat negation, but is used idiomatically as conjunction; s. my "Konversations-Grammatik der Zulusprache", Mariannhill 1917, p. 10 and 603- The Author); they only knew that He had made them; they did not know b y what word He had made them. Their old men had died by wars, and they had forgotten everything." He said, "They only knew of uTixo, since white men had come into the country; but they knew the other names from time i m m e m o r i a 1." I begged Mr. Shepstone to tell him, that uTixo was meant by the Missionaries for the same Being; but the teachers did not know they had such good names themselves for God, - that we prayed to uNkulunkulu. </div></div><div align="justify"><div closure_uid_b0madd="361"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="361">A discussion now arose between themselves, as to whether the amaDhlozi and amaTongo were the same as uNkulunkulu. One said, "He thought they were." But he was overruled by the others, who said: "that could not be; for t h e y were the spirits oï dead people, who came into snakes sometimes; but uNkulunkulu made men and ail things." </div><div closure_uid_b0madd="361"><br />
</div><div closure_uid_b0madd="361">At Pu tine's. They told us, as before, that, "long before the white men came, they had heard of uNkulunkulu" - that "he made the land, and men, and all things." "Tell them, I said, that He is our Father, and we are all His children, and, therefore, brethren; and we ought to be kin3 to one another." "That was very good- to know that they had heard of Him so long ago, and now, when they had become subjects of white people, to find that they were all brethren..." "Did they know of any other name?" "No." "Had they never heard of umVelingqangi?" "Yes: that was the same."</div><br />
At Emmaus, Berlin Mission. "Before the Missionaries came, one said, we heard that there was a great inKos' (Lord - The Author), who took care of us; but what He was, we did not know." Another (a British Kafir, from the frontier of the Cape Colony) here observed that "He manifested Himself by means of dreams or spirits - <i>amaPupo</i> or <i>amaTongo</i>" Then a third informed me, that "his people called Him <i>uNkulunkulu</i> and <i>umVelingqangi</i>" This was uNceni or Karl, who had been a servant formerly of Capt. Gardiner for three years. He said, "The Zulus first heard of <i>uTixo</i> from Capt. Gardiner: but, before he came, they thought the origin of all things was <i>uNkulunkulu</i>." Dingaan (Zulu king 1828-1840- The Author) said of Capt. Gardiner's teaching, uuNkulunkulu must be the same as uTixo, only we have no one to tell us." Capt. Gardiner, it appears, could not himself speak the Zulu lan- guage, but always addressed the people by means of an interpreter; and the chief, though he never heard him, was curious to know what he said to his subjects, and made the above remark upon it.<br />
<br />
At Zikhali's. We asked, "If a Great Being above did not make all things?" "They knew nothing of this, till the Missionaries came." "Had he (the chief) ever heard the names of uNkulunkulu and umVelingqangi?" "No! perhaps, some of his old men had." A grizzled grey-beard here got up upon his hams, from the circle of the old men - Zikali's amaPakati (counselors) - who sat at a very respectful distance behind him, and, I should have thought, quite out of hearing of our questions and their chief's answers. In a serious slow tone, he said, that "when a child, he had heard from old women, stooping with age, that there was a Great Being, <i>phe-Zulu</i> (up in heaven), who had those names: but, more than that, he knew nothing." At Lad y smith. (The following I insert chiefly for the purpose of showing how Colenso did not allow himself to be carried away by any pre- dilection or monomania for the word uNkulunkulu - The Author.) We have the greatest difficulty in fixing on a proper Name for God. I cannot bear the mean and meaningless name uTixo . . . <i>uNkulunkulu</i> and umVelingqangi are both too long for common use; and so would be uLungileyo, "The Good One." We have thought of adopting umPezulu, "He above, or in Heaven"; and by this name, in fact, Kafirs are often sworn in courts of justice. Standing up, and lifting the first and second fingers of the left hand in Dutch fashion, he will repeat the words <i>Ngibona, 'nKos' iPezulu</i> (recte, <i>nKosi epezulu</i>), "Behold me, Lord above"; or, <i>Ngisize, 'nKos' iPezulu</i>, "Help me, Lord above". But there are objections to this word also. I am not sure that it would not be best to employ the word uDio. It is a new word, it is true, like uTixo; but it is easy of utterance, is directly connected with the Greek and Latin names for God, and is not very far removed in sound from the word which it displaces. No one, who has not tried, can conceive how hard, and almost impossible, it is, to give correct representations in another, and that a barbarous tongue, of the refined and expres- sive language of some parts of the Bible and the Prayer Book (I feel sure that the later Zulu scholar Colenso would not have subscribed to what here the newcomer Colenso says- The Author).</div><div align="justify"><br />
At Durban. Mr. Oftebro Norwegian Missionary entireley and most effectively confirms all the results of my past experience about the words uTixo and <i>uNkulunkulu</i>, and the mode of treating with the natives the subject of religion. "They all know <i>uNkulunkulu</i>, but know nothing of uTixo; and he and his brethren never use the latter word - only the former - even in the Creed." "He has heard Zulus say that, in their own country, when they are going to sit down to a meal, they will send their children out, and tell them to go and pray to uNkulunkulu to give them all sorts of good things; and they go out and say, "O <i>uNkulunkulu</i> (recte Nkulunkulu), give us bread - give us cows- give us corn". (This 'praying' to <i>uNkulunkulu</i> has been ridiculed by Dohne and Calla way, as being, upon native evidence, a mere trick to keep the children out of the way when fheir elders sat down to a dainty meal. But neither has even as much as tried to prove that originally, and perhaps with other Zulu , speaking tribes, it was not a religious practice- The Author.) "He has heard others (sc. natives), when he has been preaching about uNkulunkulu, whisper to one another, 'What! does he know anything about uNkulunkulu?' and seem greatly interested with the fact thad he did." [As to the last remark, one of great psychological importance, the author is in a position to state from many per- sonal experiences, that whereever, in teaching catechism or preaching to the natives, allusion is made to the one or other of their own traditions, they will show, by their surprise or eager interest or beaming faces, that they are greatly pleased; and should it happen that the <i>ukutsho kwabadala</i>, i. e. what the old people said, be not rendered faithfully, they will take the liberty (the necessary degree of confidence into the individual missionary presupposed) to correct him, in catechetical instruction at once, and if such mention was made in a sermon, after the sermon.] "The other word, <i>umVelingqangi</i>, he said, was equally familiar to them; but, of course, they do not attach to either of them the deep significance we can." </div><div align="justify"><br />
At Inanda. Mr. Lindley told me that he knew they had the name uNkulunkulu, which they use to express the Creator of all things: but he felt sure that, if I asked turther, I should find they meant by it a little worm in the reeds, a sort of caddis-worm whose cylindrically shaped houses, constructed of little strips of bark, may be found on the willow- tree in great numbers (in Zululand proper, called <i>un-kulukundhleni</i> and <i>uma- hambanendhlwana</i> 'the one who goes about with his own little house', in Natal, besides, also ànkúlunkúlu-lht Author). This was quite new to me; but I felt already so sure of the ground on which I stood, that it would not have staggered me with regard to my general conclusion, formed from so many replies, obtained from so many different tribes, if I had found that those now before me had, previous to their conversion, been sunk in yet lower degradation and lost yet more of the truth of their original traditions, than others of their brethren.<br />
<br />
With this preparatory talk, we proceeded to our inquiries. The subjects selected for the examination were chiefly two men- aged fourty six and fourty nine. They told us that they had heard the name uTixo from Dr. Adams, and before that from Capt. Gardiner, more than twenty years ago. "Had they ever heard any other name besides uTixo?" "Yes- uNkulunkulu. He had made all things." In answer to Mr. Lindley, they "did not hear whe- ther he had made the great mountains." "He made the reeds first (cp. what further on will be said on <i>u-hlanga</i> and <i>um-hlanga</i>-Tht Author), and out of them came men." "Was uNkulunkulu the same as uTixoT "Yes: but they did not understand uTixo at first. They do now, because they have been taught its meaning." "They think uNkulunkulu would be the best word to use for the unconverted heathen." "They think uNkulunkulu the best word altogether"- two or three speaking. "Did they think at first that uTixo was the same as uN- kidunkulu?" "When they heard about His creating all things, they said, This is uNkulunkulu'." "They would have liked better- attended more- if the Missionary had spoken to them at first about uNkulunkulu, instead of uTixo. They would have said, The teacher is right. It is uNkulunkulu that he talks about'."<br />
<br />
"But, asked Mr. Lindley, if you had been told about uNkulunkulu, would you not have thought directly about the little worm down in the reeds?" This question was received by*the whole party with a smile of respectful derision. "O no! we only call it so; we use the same name for it; but we do not pay any honour to it." (One remembers a flower, called by the name 'Everlasting'.)<br />
<br />
"Did they know where <i>uNkulunkulu</i> was?" "No! they had only heard of Him, that there was such a Being; they did not know where He was." Mr. Lindley was quite convinced by their replies, that there was more of truth in their rude conceptions of the Divine Being, than he had imagined.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="366">At Mr. Lewis Grout's. I wished to ascertain wheter they could corroborate at all the statement of the Norwegian Missionary, which was quite new to Mr. Grout, viz. that the Zulu parents sent their children at times, when they themselves took their meals, to pray to <i>uNkulunkulu</i>. They gave us imme- diately the two Kafir names, as those by which their fathers knew the Great Creator, before that of <i>uTixo</i> reached them.<br />
<br />
So far Colenso. If one reads all these statements on uNkulunkulu, made by members of very different Zulu speaking tribes, all concurring in His being the Creator of man and everything, one cannot help being struck by this unanim- ity. But perhaps to those conversant with what Dohne, Calla way, &c, put down on the same subject, this very unanimity will be a great stumbling block. Why, they will ask, not a word on, not even an allusion to, uNkulunkulu, or rather unkulunkulu, as meaning 'man', 'the first man'? The answer, in my opinion, is very simple - Colenso always proceeded from uTixo; therefore his native interlocutors knew from the very beginning that no one else than the One who figured in their own traditions as the Creator of man and everything, viz. 'uNkulunkulu, was in question, and consequently they had no reason whatever to speak of what was not asked, viz. unkulunkulu 'the first man*. In my own mind, I feel quite convinced that in all those conversations only 'uNkulunkulu was used, not once <i>unkulunkulu</i>.<br />
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If this is so - and it does not appear how it could have been other- wise-these statements are really invaluable, outweighing, for instance, all those collected by Calla way, in which practically - that is, to all those who are not in possession of the key to the perplexing problem - confusion reigns supreme - "The evidence, collected by Dr. Calla way, is honest, but confused", writes A. Lang 5.<br />
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To the writer personally, Dingana's statement, as narrated above by Nceni, is the most convincing. Anyone who has been in personal contact with the Zulu speaking natives for any length of time, will know that the common people look up to the Zulu king or the royal Zulu family as th e keeper of Zulu traditions, profane as well as religious. And the writer, who has been for years in personal contact with several members of that family, has been able to put this prerogative of theirs to the test. Now king Dingana was told of what Gardiner had said to his subjects of <i>uTixo</i>, and he, at once, concluded this must be our Zulu <i>uNkulunkulu</i>. "Whoever has ears to hear, let him hear!"<br />
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This patch of clear sky, of unclouded evidence, alas! has been darkened, "obscured", as already indicated. Unpleasant as it is, to walk in the dark, we shall have to contend with darkness for some time before we see light again.<br />
<br />
<b>DOHNE. </b><br />
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The first (in historical sequence) to quote is the late Rev. J. L. Dohne, Missionary to the American Board C.F.M. In his "Zulu-Kaffir Dictionary" (Cape Town 1857) he has:-"un-Kulunkulu, n. sing. From inkuluinkulu, a great-great, viz.: the greatest of all (maximus), which is made a proper noun by the nom. form <i>u</i> or <i>un</i> - see u-Ni Sisuto <i>mogologolo</i>. The first great individual: the progenitor of one or all nations.- This word refers only to some great original man of a whole nation, like Adam, the first man." </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="367"><br />
The form <i>inkuluinkulu</i>, the supposed parent form of <i>unkulunkulu</i>, is an arbitrary postulate of Döhne's; no more need be said about it. - If his un- Kuliinkulu is to be identified with <i>unkúlunkúlu = ukúlukúlu</i>, he is right in giving it the meaning 'progenitor of one or all nations', and wrong in ren- dering doubled kulu by 'great-great, viz. the greatest of all (maximus)' instead of 'old-old, i. e., the oldest of all (antiquissimus)'-see p. ?. If, on the other hand, his unKulunkulu is meant for 'úNkulunkúlu, he should have drawn the reader's attention to the fact that there is a dynamic accent as well as H on the first syllable, and might have, at least, doubted whether 'the great-great' or 'the greatest of all' did justice to a word having such an exceptional accentuation, although it might have proved too much for him to arrive at 'the greatest or all-great <i>uN</i>'<br />
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Dohne goes on to say, "This idea is established by the etymology and usage of the language. But tradition says (Dohne, therefore, admits tradition ! - The Author), that <i>unkulunkulu wadabula abantu nezinto zonke eluhlangeni,</i> i. e., the very great one made go or come forth, people and all things out of or from a descent."<br />
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By "this idea" Dohne refers to unkulunkulu being 'the first man' or 'some great original man of a whole nation'. If it be unkulunkulu, he is right in saying that "this idea is established by the etymology and usage of the langu- age." But in quoting the famous traditional phrase, as above, he would have had to prove first that this unkulunkulu, of whom tradition says <i>wadabula abantu (nezinto zonke) eluhlangeni</i>, is one with the preceding 'first man', i. e. unkúlunkúlu, or else with >úNkulunkúlu. Secondly, he should have inquired whether abantu, according to universal native tradition, means 'people' in gene- ral, or else 'the first men'. Thirdly, by choosing the word 'descent' for u-hlanga (wherefrom <i>eluhlangeni</i>), Dohne seems to give to understand that unkulunkulu made come forth people and all things by way of generation (in Zulu <i>uku-zala</i>), and not by that of creation (in Zulu uku-dala), although it is hard to see how unkulunkulu could be supposed to bring forth all t h i n g s by generation. Any native could have told Dohne, had he but asked, that the above traditional phrase contained their traditional idea of the uku-dalwa or (passive) creation' of the unkulunkulu. For the rest it is very easy to put down 'descent' for <i>uhlanga</i>, especially if this suit one's own preconceived idea; 'n reality, however, the true meaning of uhlanga in this particular phrase is extremely difficult to ascertain, as we shall see further on.<br />
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Dohne continues, "And this expression being incorrectly interpreted by foreigners (viz., the very great one created men and all things out of a reed, - or as some, paying no proper attention to the nom. form whether un or urn, understood it, that umkulunkulu, viz. the caddis-worm, had created men and all things out of a single reed), - therefore great confusion has prevailed, and some have been, and are still, fond of taking this name in the sense of God- Almighty."</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="368">Dohne unjustly attributes the 'creating of men and all things out of a reed' to foreigners. As a matter of fact, it was not foreigners, but the natives themselves who, by a popular mistake, have substituted for the un- doubtedly original eluhlangeni or ohlangeni the spurious variant <i>emhlangeni</i>, the nominative of which, viz. <i>umhlanga</i>, signifies 'reed'. He is, likewise, wrong in giving <i>umkulunkulu</i> as the word for 'caddis-worm', as well as in attributing to foreigners the belief that the caddis-worm was the creator of men and all things, who would have created them "out of a single reed"; at least, the writer has never come across any European author giving such an interpretation of the above traditional phrase. Nor have the natives ever done so. As to "con- fusion", in the above extracts from Colenso's "Ten Weeks in Natal" we have met with no confusion on the part of the natives nçr on th$t of Colenso him- self; confusion makes itself felt whereever natives 'give evidence' who themselves have lost the thread of tradition, so that they are no longer abìe to reconcile, or else to distinguish, in their own mind the two words '<i>ûNkulunkûlu</i> and <i>un- kúlunkulu</i>, the consequence being that, for sheer perplexity, especially when pressed by European inquirers who have not acquired the art of how to elicit genuine information, they will attribute to iinkúlunkúlu what, .of right, in their own tradition belongs to 'úNkulunkúlu, and vice versa. The responsibility for the "confusion" with which Dohne would saddle Colenso and such as adopted his views, because "they have been, and are still, fond of taking this name (úNkulunkúlu) for the name of God", - the responsibility, I say, for the "confusion" rests on writers like Dohne himself and Callaway.<br />
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Then Dohne allows- "That there may be some idea of a being like God at the bottom of this word (for some idea oï that kind is found even with the most degraded savage), we readily admit; but an unprejudiced inquirer will find that none of these savages are aware of it, or use the word in that sense. And where a native is found who attaches some idea of God to the word, he does so, not of himself, but from some influence which Christian Missionaries have already gained over the nation in general."<br />
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So Dohne does admit "that there may be some idea of a being like God at the bottom of this word", after having stated apodictically, "This word refers only to some great original man of a whole nation, like Adam, the first m a n." And as to those "savages" not being "aware of it" or else being but influenced by Christian Missionaries, I refer the reader to the extracts from "Ten Weeks in Natal"; Colenso had to do with sets of "complete heathens", ana with converts. It would be for Dohne to prove that those complete heathens were really influenced, directly or indirectly, by Christian Missionaries. And if the converts, as also the heathen Dingana, concluded that uTixo must be the same as their own üNkulunkúlu, they certainly must have known that which they knew of "úNkulunkúlu, independently of the Missionaries.<br />
<br />
Dohne concludes by saying, "On the contrary, the native or savage idea expressed in the above traditions, is in strict conformity with their spirit and life, materialistic. And it is only a necessary consequence of the grossest materialism that the unkulunkulu has been brought down to a mere fiction, or a fable. An instance of this is seen in the following common trick, which greedy mothers or women play upon their children, when they have prepared a dainty meal and wish to enjoy it alone. For which purpose they send the children away, saying: <i>yiyani nimemele (recte nimemeze) kunkulunkulu anipe zonke izinto ezinhle</i>, i. e.: go and call out to unkulunkulu, that he must give you all nice things. The hungry children do what their mothers say, and are laughed at for their obe- dience. But foreigners who did not sufficiently understand the people and their language, have mistaken this, and believed that these women were in the habit of teaching their children to pray - to the Unkulunkulu, and concluded that there must be a good deal of religious knowledge among them." </div><div align="justify"><br />
We have already pointed to the possibility of the practice in question having had once a religious character which later on degenerated into the trick described above (which, according to my information, was by no means universal). But, in tfce first place, it would have to be ascertained whether the children were told to call out to *uNkulunkúlu or to unkulunkulu. But, however that be, Dohne could, and should, have known that it was not this practice alone, nor even chiefly, from which Colenso and others "concluded that there must be a good deal of religious knowledge among them (sc. the natives)."<br />
<br />
I shall not declaim now on the logica1 and psychological aspect of the passage quoted from Dohne, leaving it to the reader to draw . his own conclusions. Regarding its linguistic or philological aspect, Dohne did not know that there were two different words: 'úNkulunkúlu and unkúlu- nkulu, otherwise he would have inserted the two, in which case he very likely would have written something rather different from the above. But even so, he might have been more careful as to scientific truth - also Colenso was not aware of the difference between these two words, and yet he accepted truth as he received it out of the mouth of complete heathens and converts.<br />
<br />
<b>Callaway</b>.<br />
<br />
After Dohne, in the order of time, follows Callaway, the author of "The Religious System of the amaZulu" already quoted. The "1st Part: UNKULUNKULU" is devoted entirely to the problem indicated by its name. As far as I can see, this is the chief source from which scientific authors in Europe drew, such as W. Schneider, Le Roy, A. Lang, W. Schmidt S.V.D., C. Meinhof, and (recently) V. Cathrein S.J. Of course, the scientist in Europe depends on books. As a rule, he has no opportunity to check what he finds in them, on the spot, if it refer to things of distant countries. And if it happens that these premises are false, false will be the conclusions drawn from them. So far, no biame can be attached to the scientists themselves. If, in the present instance, they are to blame at all, it might be for having followed but one single author, viz. Callaway, and not made use of the whole literature. But even this may have been no fault of theirs; in which case all that can be said, is that it was a regrettable misfortune that even genuine science has been misled for over half a century with regard to the uNkulunkulu, or unkulunkulwproblem of the Zulus. Nor do I mean to belittle Callaway personally. In the Preface to my re-edition of hjs "UNKULUNKULU" I said:-"To write down, as he did, so many statements from the mouth of natives, to translate them into English, to add lengthy annotations, to install a private Mission Press in the wilds of South Africa, to print the MSS - to do all that, certainly required more than ordinary energy and zeal for the cause of Native Mission work." Nor do I in- tend to deny or depreciate the high value oï his work. A few years ago, I wrote 6;- "In spite of the author's (se. Calla way's) conviction to the contrary, the book contains the most valuable proofs, taken from the very lips of intelligent natives in the middle of last century, to show that uNkulunkulu is t h e name of the true God in Zulu tradition." I might have added that the information he collected from those natives, goes back to at least some 100 years previous to the time of his inquiries (the same applies, of course, also to some statements contained in "Ten Weeks in Natal"); for some of his informants were "very old", they may easily have had the age oï eighty or ninety years (I met many nonagenarians, male and female, among the Zulu-speaking natives; the age of one I knew in 1897, was well beyond 100). And they merely repeated what they had been told by "their old people", parents and grandparents. Thus the uninterrupted chain of tradition, as put down by Calla way, leads us back to about 1750 or 1700 - a time when the Zulu speaking races as a bulk, had no intercourse yet with Europeans.<br />
<br />
But all this does not do away with the "obscuring reasons" enumerated at the beginnig of this treatise, all of which apply to Calla way, some in a less, some in a greater degree. And this is the crucial point of which science in Europe seems not to have been aware.<br />
<div closure_uid_lg82u8="454"><br />
</div>No more need be said of Callaway at present, as much will have to be said later on.<br />
<br />
<div closure_uid_lg82u8="423"><b closure_uid_lg82u8="422"><a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/06/some-zulu-customs-and-traditions-1911.html">Colenso</a></b>.</div><br />
In the order of time, the next to be quoted, is, I believe, again Colenso. In his Zulu-Englisch Dictionary (I quote from the edition of 1884 - the date of the first edition I have not at. hand) he has:- "Nkulunkulu (U), n. Great- Great-One, Supreme Being, traditional Creator of all things, called also <i>umVelingqangi</i>; grub of the dinning fly, which makes a little cylindrical cell, of stalks of grass, &c, like a caddis-worm, and hence is called also uMahambanendhlwana. N.B. The Zulu children used in play to run shouting, one and all together, <i>We Nkulunkulu</i> ! Old men of the present generation have done so; but the practice is discontinued."<br />
<br />
It appears that the conviction gathered in his first ten weeks in Natal, remained unshaken. And so it did to the end, as can also be seen in all his reli- gious Zulu publications, including his Zulu version of the New Testament.<br />
<br />
<b>Bryant.</b><br />
<br />
Finally also a Catholic author must be quoted, the Rev. A. T. Bryant. In his Zulu-English Dixtionary (Mariannhill Mission Press, 1905), he has: - "u-Nkulunkulu, the Great-great-ancestor or ancestral spirit (of man- kind), the first man who is supposed to have made most of the things round about; hence, adopted by Missionaries to express God, Creator." As can be seen from these words, Bryant, on the one hand, sticks to the "Great-Great"- idea of all his predecessors, although he makes of it "Great-great", seemingly in order to indicate that he excludes from uNkulunkulu any and every idea of the Supreme Being, and shows himselfs, at the same time, a partisan of Dohne and Callaway. On the other, he goes beyond them, making of uNkulunkulu the Great-great-ancestral-spirit- a tale which he certainly cannot have been told by any native, an interpretation unwarranted even if uNkulunkulu be taken for unkúlunkúlu - ukúlukúlu, since there is the fact of the natives having never made of him an idhlozi or 'ancestral spirit', a fact amply attested also by Calla way's informants. Besides, no native ever attributes to any 'ancestral spirit' the power of creation or "having made most of the things round about". And this false supposition has, according to Bryant, been the reason why Missionaries adopted this term for God, the Creator !- a false supposition that amounts to a contradictio in terminis of which the natives are innocent. Verily, a man of his wide knowledge of Zulu might have done better, especially in a matter of vital importance to the Cathoilc Missionaries who had followed Colenso in adopting uNkulunkulu : for 'God'. And he (Colenso) had adopted it - not because the natives had told him that uNkulunkulu was "the Great-great- ancestor or ancestral-spirit (of mankind), the first man who is supposed to have made most of the things round about", but - because his native informants were unanimous in telling him that <i>uNkulunkulu</i> was the Creator of men and all things. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="370"><br />
<div closure_uid_lg82u8="421">Strange to say, a Bryant, whose undisputed merit lies in having collected in Zululand itself, and, as a rule, carefully interpreted, such a vast amount of Zulu words, noted in his dictionary neither ukúlukúlu nor its nunnated form unkúlunkúlu, in the sense of 'protoparent', that is, as the last link of relation- ship in the ascending line. That even ukúlukúlu should have escaped him, is the more remarkable as he has set down its diminutive ukúlukulwáne. As to unkúlunkúlu, he mentions it as a common noun, giving it as the Natal word for unkúlukundhléni, and as a proper noun, in the sense of 'The Great-great- ancestor or ancestral-spirit' as above. Of the common noun unkúlunkúlu with the meaning of 'protoparent', 'progenitor of mankind in general, or a people, tribe, clan, in particular' he seems to have known nothing. Again this is the more remarkable as, long before Bryant, Callaway had established this meaning, not only in Natal-Zulu, but also in Zulu proper. Thus, e. g. in his UNKULUNKULU (re-edition p. 48), "Koto Mhlongo, a very old Zulu, one of the Isilangeni (recte: eLangeni) tribe, whose father's sister, uNandi, was the mother of uTshaka" states, <i>"Ngiti mina, unkúlunkúlu, sazi yena ozala uTshaka: uSenzangakona, ozala uTshaka"</i> Callaway's version is, "I say for my part that the unkúlunkúlu whom we know was the father of uTshaka; uSenzangakona was uThsaka's father." The proper rendering, I believe, is, "To my knowledge, as to unkúlunkúlu, we know the one who begat Tshaka, namely Senza- ngakona, him who begat Tshaka." As will appear immediately from Koto Mhlon- go's own words, he used here unkúlunkúlu in an improper sense. A little farther on, the same stated, <i>"UJama kambe, ozala uSenzangakona, uyise waoTshakay uyena ounkulunkulu.</i>" Callaway's rendering is, "UJama was the father of uSenzangakona, the father of uTshaka's; it is he who is unkulunkulu" I would render it thus - "Jama who begat Senzangakona, Tshaka's father, is (sc. in this case) the unkulunkulu" Even here unkulunkulu is employed in a wide sense, as will be seen from the following footnote, added by Calla way:- "As the question has been raised whether the natives do not call the First Man, or Being, ukulukulu, and an ancestor unkulunkulu, in order to prevent all misunderstanding, I asked him (sc. Koto Mhlongo) if he was not speaking of ukulukulu. He replied ukulukulu and unkulunkulu is one and the same word; the amaZulu say unkulunkulu, other tribes ukulukulu, but the word is one. I enquired what he meant by unkulunkulu. He answered: - (to save space, I omit the Zulu text which I give in my rendering) "We start from the word ukulu as the one who begets the father, but this one we call (by the simple form) ukulu (grandfather). But there is also an unkulu- nkulu (doubled form), namely the one who is farther back. When using unkulu- nkulUy we do not refer to power (in the sense of greatness), but especially to age. For this (simple) form ukulu does not express that the one referred to, is old by twice, but only by once. But if his house begets again children, these will use the doubled form, and, by going back from their father to that one, will say unkulunkulu, that is, the oldest." The order, as Callaway elicited it from Koto Mhlongò, is:- </div></div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="371"><br />
ubaba my father umarne my mother<br />
ubaba-mkulu or ukulu umame-kulu or ukulu<br />
ukoko ukoko<br />
unkulunkulu unkulunkulu.<br />
<br />
Callaway thus concludes his note: - "Ukoko is a general term for An- cestor who preceded the grandfathers. And unkulunkulu is a general term for Ancient Men, who 'were f irsf among tribes, families, or kings." Koto Mhlongo omitted the u(n)kúlu(n)kulwáne as given in our list on p. 660, and by Callaway' s informants at other places (as o. c. re-edition p. 90). Of course, if Callaway had attended to the accentuation, and noted it for us, it would appear that Koto Mhlongo, all the time, was speaking of u(n)kúlu(n)kúlu.<br />
<br />
To come back to our immediate subject, in my own research work, I had ample proof that, as in Koto Mhlongo's time, so also in the present generation of the pure Zulus, both ukulukulu and unkulunkulu are still quite alive. Wherefore it remains a puzzle how they could escape Bryant's notice. Had they not, in all likelihood, he would have been struck by the difference between 'úNkulunkulu and unkulunkulu, since, in other cases, he has carefully noted the different accentuation in seemingly identical words, and, in some cases, even the difference of musical tone.<br />
<br />
This, then, is the status quaestionis as far as the South African authors, or, to be precise, the Zuluists, of note are concerned - Colenso, Dohne, Callaway, Bryant.<br />
<br />
Now we must turn to the scientists in Europe. As far as I have been able to ascertain they have two things in common- one being that none of them quotes Colenso, and the other that none of them went beyond Callaway. For the present purpose, it will suffice to adduce the views of some of them, based on conclusions drawn, in the main, from Callaway.<br />
<br />
<b>Schneider. </b><br />
<br />
No other, perhaps, among them has given expression to the feeling of being baffled by the unkulunkulu-problem in more simple and, therefore, striking language than W. Schneider (Die Religion der afrikanischen Natur- völker, Münster i. W. 1801), who writes (p. 65; this and the following pass- ages in my translation): "Evidently, in the course of time, Unkuïunkulu has been distorted into a grotesque being, full of contradictions. He is the Creator of all things, and, at the same time, a creature himself, the father (?, recte: Creator, Maker) of the First Man, and, at the same time, the First Man him- self." No doubt, had he had the key to the problem, that is, had he known of the difference between úNkulunkúlu and unkulunkulu, he would have had no difficulty in substantiating his final verdict on the religion of the Zulus, which clearly is in their favour.<br />
<br />
On p. 62 he has: "The U'nkulunkulu (sic) of the Zulus is the greatest of the Ama-hlozi (recte <i>ama-dhlozi</i>), as the souls of the dead are called by them, or the Adam of the Zulus." Let us first, in passing, rectify a little inexactitude: the 'souls' of the dead, as such, the Zulu calls umoya 'spirit', umpefumulo 'soul', and when speaking quite idiomatically, <i>isithunzi</i> 'shadow'. Such they are so long as, after death, they are 'roaming about' in the open, especially on some mountain. And when do they become amadhlozi? When their blood-relations 'bring them back' to their kraal or family by the uku-buyisa-sacriiict, that is, the first sacrifice offered up in their honour, not before. Now as to Schneider's statement itself, in this generality it is un- tenable. For not the úNkulunkúluy but the unkúlunkúlu of the Zulus is the oldest (kulu here = old), that is, the first in the long line of the amadhlozi, taking the latter in a wide sense; for if it be taken in its strict sense, the un- kúlunkálu of the Zulus has never become an idhlozi, because his spirit was never 'brought back' by any such sacrifice às indicated above. The unku- lunkulu of the Zulus, with reference to mankind in general, is undoubtedly Adam, the First Man. But Adam belongs to the pre- pagan time, when, amadhlozi-worship being yet unknown, no one's spirit was 'brought back' by any kind of sacrifice, sacrifice, in those times, having been, as we may fairly suppose, addressed to 'úNkulunkúlu alone. This is why, in conversing with the natives on the subject, one finds that in their minds Adam does not figure as an <i>idhlozi</i>. The same was stated by Mpengula repeatedly (as p. 20, 70) in Callaway's days.<br />
<br />
Again p. 62, Schneider has: "Itongo is the singular of Ama-tongo, who occupy a higher rank (sc. than the <i>amadhlozi</i>) in the spirit world." As a matter of fact, in actual native speech and thought, itongo and idhlozi are one and the same, without any distinction of rank.<br />
<br />
On p. 69, he writes: "If we ask after the relation between Inkosi (sc. <i>inKosi epezulu</i>) and Itongo, by which name the Supreme Being is known to the Swazis and other tribes related to the Zulus, Itongo seems to us to signify the Deity as such, that is, Divine power and providence, while Inkosi refers to the Deity in Its concrete form or the form in which It reveals itself." First of all, as a rule, itongo is not used of the true God, and if it is, as sometimes in the phrase <i>iTongo elikulu</i> 'the great iTongo9, it is done so, possibly but by analogy to the amatongo or amadhlozi. Secondly, there may be a possibility of its having originally meant the true God, not, however, under the special aspect of power and providence, but as the inspiring agency, as the One who revealed Himself in dreams; for <i>ubu-tongo</i>, which is the ubu-form of i-tongo, signifies 'sleep'. In this supposition, the name iTongo of the true God would have been transferred to the <i>amadhlozi</i>, when paganism began to invest the latter with the power of 'inspiration by means of dreams'.<br />
<br />
After having referred to the mixing up of the Creator with the first man created by Him, Schneider continues- "This confusion had, according to the legendary tales, the following origin. Utixo (God), as Callaway was in- formed by Coast-Kafirs (recte: by a Xosa), was concealed by Unkulunkulu, and therefore cannot be seen by anyone, while Unkulunkulu could be seen, and was called God, Creator of all things. This was said because it was not known who had created Unkulunkulu. A scripturalist might be tempted to perceive in the exalting of the human father of all mankind at the expense of the Divine a vague reminiscence of the First Man, raised by grace to God- likeness, having refused to his Lord the adoration due to Him, because striving after equality with Him : "concealed" God, that is, he would not recognise Him, wanting to be His equal. And in order to punish man for this ingratitude, God retired from man, hiding His face behind the material world, as behind a curtain."<br />
<br />
Unfortunately the foregoing is "built on sand", being based upon a wrong translation of the Zulu text Callaway. In re-editing his UNKULUNKULU, I alas ! overlooked this mistake. The respective passage (re- edition p. 64) begins with a reference to the custom of throwing, in passing- a stone on the izi-vivane (stone heaps) while saying "Generations of unkulunkulu" Questioned which <i>unkulunkulu</i> (sc. whether God or the protoparent) was referred to in this phrase, the informant, a Xosa of the name of Langeni, said : -<br />
<br />
Etsho umuntu wokuqala kubo bonke abantu, owavezwa uTixo ku- qala. Kepa abantu bambona. UTixo w asita kunkulunkulu, kabonwanga umuntu; abantu babona yena unku- lunkulu, bati umenzi wako konke, umvelingqangi, betsho ngokuba lowo owenza unkulunkulu bengambona- nga. Bati-ke, (ng)uyena uTixo. Yiloko, esikwaziyo ngonkulunkulu.<br />
<br />
<div closure_uid_lg82u8="418"><strong>Callaway's version.</strong></div><br />
He (sc. who says "Generations of unkulunkulu") means the first man before all other men, who was created by uTixo first. And men saw him. UTixo was concealed by unkulunkulu, and was seen by no one; men saw <i>unkulunkulu</i>, and said he was the creator of all things, <i>umvelingqangi</i>; they said thus because they did not see Him who made <i>unkulunkulu</i>. And so they said <i>unkulunkulu</i> was God. This is what I know about <i>unkulunkulu</i>.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">My version: - "He means the first man of all, the one who was brought forth by God (<i>uTixo</i>) first. Him people could see. God (<i>uTixo</i>) (screened Himself up, that is) was invisib1e to the protoparent (<i>unkulunkulu</i>), He was not seen by the (first) man (if Langeni actually used <i>umuntu</i>, as in the text) 9 or (if it was muntu) He was seen by no one; the people saw him, the protoparent (unkulunkulu), and (therefore) said he was the maker (um-enzi; <i>umEnzi</i> is a God-name) of all things, the "one-who-was-before-I-was" (um- velingqangi; umVelingqangi is also a God-name), and they said so because they had not seen Him who had made the protoparent (unkulunkulu). Therefore they said he (sc. unkulunkulu) is God (<i>uTixo</i>). This is what we (not "I") know of <i>unkulunkulu</i>"<br />
<br />
On the meaning of <i>uku-sita</i> there is not the least uncertainty; thus, for instance, the sun, when 'screened' by a cloud, is 'invisible'. Again <i>wasita kunkulunkulu</i> is not 'he was concealed by the protoparent', but 'he was invisible to the . . .' The passage in question, therefore, is not a "legendary tale", as Schneider supposed, of God having been concealed by Adam, but an argu- ment of Langeni's, based upon the invisibility of God and the visibility of Adam.<br />
<br />
On p. 63 Schneider has: "The Xosas now use the terms Umdali (<i>umDali</i>) Creator, and Umenzi (<i>umEnzi</i>) Maker, introduced by the missio- naries." I much doubt wheter these terms were introduced by the missionaries. Among the Zulus, both umDali and umEnzi are traditional God-names. Considering that the Xosas are the next sister, if not daughter-nation to the Zulus, the probalitiy stands in favour of these names having been traditional also among the Xosas. And in fact, Callaway has in a footnote- "Shaw also remarks: - Before Missionaries and other Europeans had intercourse with the Kafirs (= Xosas), they seem to have had extremly vague and indistinct notions concerning the existence of God. The older Kafirs used to speak of <i>umDali</i>, theCreator or Maker of all things..."<br />
<br />
On the same page, Schneider writes: "Like the Zulus, the Xosas also call' the first man <i>unkulunkulu</i>, and endow him with even a higher position than the Hottentots their Heitsi-Eibib. Erroneously he is taken by some in- vestigators for God." The error, in my opinion, is not on the side of those investigators; for the Xosas have, besides <i>uQamata</i>, also <i>uNkulunkulu</i> as one of their traditional God-names, their respective tradition being substantially identical with that of the Zulus.<br />
<br />
On p. 65, Schneider holds that "without doubt, Unkulunkulu signified originally the first man." Distinguoo speak with the school): if - '<i>úNu- lunkúlu</i>, nego; if = <i>unkúlunkulu</i>, concedo, but in this case "originally" is out of place.<br />
<br />
On p. 64, he has: "In a tale, related by Bleek, God (<i>Unkulunkulu</i>) rose from below, in Zulu belief the seat of the spirit world (in the sense of departed souls of men only - The Author), and created in the beginning (<i>ohlangeni</i>) men, animals, and everything (<i>ohlangeni</i>, whatever else it may mean, is not 'in the beginning' - The Author). From Call aw ay's "Religious System of the Amazulu", however, the first part of which is entitled "Unku- lunkulu", one does not receive the impression that the bearer of this name possesses Divine dignity and substance. True, he is more than an ordinary man. He is, in accordance with his name "The Great-Great" (recte: The Old- Old- The Author), the great-grandfather or primogenitor, and, at that, the apotheosised primogenitor, transfigured into a demi-god, who, in the tales on creation and the original state of things, figures as demiurge, mediating between God and men. As a clear distinction is not always made between the human father of all, the medium through which life is passed on, on one hand, and the Divine father of all, the cause from which life sprang, on the other, <i>Unkulunkulu</i> figures now as Adam, now as the God of paradise: the father of all mankind, who, as the first child of God, has received life immediately, and therefore in abundance, from the first source, shines in unique likeness unto God." This was, under the circumstances, the best interpretation a European savant who had in him something, it seems, of a poet, could put upon the perplexing confusion reigning in Callaway's book. But its scientific value is nil, considering that, in native view, <i>unkulunkulu</i> does not figure as as demigod nor as demiurge, and so on - native tradition seen trough European spectacles, and clad in scientific Aryan language. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="374"><br />
We shall return, indirectly at any rate, to other points of Schneider's in the sequel. He concludes his chapter on the Zulus thus- "The religion of the Zulus as well as the Kafirs in general, seems to have seen better times. No doubt, to this people, which bears the name of heaven, heaven was once the seat and the visible appearance of God invisible. Also among the younger generations this notion is still alive, although withal they do not worship heaven nor the stars." No one I dare say will deny that the religion of the Zulus has seen better times. Schneider is also right in saying that, in Zulu tradition, heaven is the seat of God. But he goes too far in saying that heaven was, and is, to them the visible appearance of God invisible. There is no such idea to be found with the Zulu speaking native. Another mistake he shares with many writers, South African not excepted, connecting, as he does, the name 'Zulu' with heaven by saying that the Zulus bear its name. The facts are about as follows.<br />
<br />
A popular saying, still current even in the royal Zulu family, has it that "<i>UZulu ngokuzula</i>", i. e., "The name uZulu came from <i>uku-zula</i> 'roaming about ". Of course, this is a popular error, contradicted by Zulu etymology. The Zulus are named right enough after i-zulu. Now, i-zulu means 1. sky, 2. heaven, 3. thunderstorm, and therefore also 4. lightning, the proper words for 'lightning', viz. <i>u-bane</i> and <i>u-nyazi</i>, being avoided (<i>uku-zila</i> 'taboo') for superstitious fear of <i>uku-hlolela</i>, i. e., "to bring down an evil' by pronouncing its proper name. How, then, was it that the old namç of the Zulus, viz. <i>um- Nguni</i>, pl <i>abaNguni</i>, elsewhere still quite alive as <i>waNgoni</i> or <i>aNgoni</i>, was superseded by their present name? Answer: in accordance with a general custom by which the personal name (<i>i-gama, i-bizo</i>) of an ancestor may turn into that of a clan, tribe, or people (isi-zalo, isi-bongo). The twelfth ancestor of the present 'should-be' Zulu king, of the name <i>Nkayitshana</i>, had for his personal name uZulu. History gives no positive answer as to why he was called thus, but its negative answer that it had nothing to do with either 'sky' or 'heaven', leads us, by way of exclusion, to the conclusion that it was due to either a 'thunderstorm' or 'lightning'. It is quite a common custom among the Zulus and other Ntu peoples, to name a child after something that happened at or about the time of its birth. It may have been, therefore, that at the time when the prince in question came into this world, a thunderstorm was going on, or that lightning struck in dangerous neighbourhood, or that a famous case of 'smelling-out' (uku-nuka) was gone through at or about that time, to find out the sourcerer or witch guilty of having brought down a thunderstorm (hail) or lightning. In fine, we do not know the particular reason, but one thing is certain, viz. that the prince in question was not a Mr. Sky nor a Mr. Heaven, but either Mr. Thunderstorm or Mr. Lightning. Therefore the abakwaZulu or amaZulu are not the Sky, or Heaven-people, but the Thunderstorm, or Lightning-people.<br />
<br />
If so, someone might object, what of phrases like <i>"Izulu elako, nkosi"</i>, i. e., "The heaven is thine, O king!"? Such as are conversant with Ntu mentality will know the answer before I put it down: it is the outcome of hyperbolism so much in vogue among the Zulus as well as the Ntus in general. Once this hyperbolism nearly cost the present writer his life. I had to cross a river; the question was whether I had to do so on a pont or could risk it on horseback. I asked a native, á man of about fifty years, who came from the direction of the river, whether it went very high. His answer was, <i>Amanzi atshile nya nya nya</i>, equivalent to "The river is as dry as sand." By this I understood him to mean that the river had subsided enough to be fordable. But my horse, upon entering, had scarcely made two steps, when it sank saddle- deep into the roaring water. All, then, that my hyperbolic informant had meant, was that in comparison with the height the river had reached on the previous day, it had subsided a little.- To come back to our immediate subject, the name uZulu once given, lends itself too nicely to the native imbongi or 'court- poet' than that he should not make use of it for a hyperbole so flattering to a royal ear. But- and this is of decisive importance- no Zulu and no Zulu-speaking native has ever identified the Zulu king with 'úNkulunkúlu or the inKosi epe- zulù, and this in spite of their innate idea of the king representing all that is might and power. Although, therefore, Schneider is right in saying that "the religion of the Zulus has seen better times", their name amaZulu, dating back but to a few centuries, has nothing to do with their immemorial religious traditions.<br />
<br />
<b>Le Roy.</b><br />
<br />
Another author of name dealing with the Zulu notion of God, is Msgr. Le Roy. In his well-known book „La Religion des Peuples primitifs" (Paris 1908) he refers to the Zulu God-name "Nkulu-Nkulu", as he gives it, and to their religious conceptions more than once.<br />
<br />
First a word on his way of writing the God-name in question. With two exceptions (once "Umkulumkulu" and once "Unkulunkulu") he writes Nkulu- Nkulu, evidently adopted from Ch. Sacleux. It is a typical instance of how far even a linguistically well trained man, like Sacleux, may be led astray, if the place of positive knowledge is taken by some alluring theory. The initial u of 'úNkulunkúlu being shorn off, the syllabic accent and the musical tone resting on the first syllable of the word as it actually figures in Zulu, are missing. Anyone presented with Nkulu-Nkulu, will read Nkúlu-Nkúlu,- Initial u once dropped, the mere duplication nkulu-nkulu suggests itself quite naturally to a construing mind, and has been put into special relief by ad- orning the second part with a capital: Nkulu-Nkulu. If this were the true form, its bare stem would be, of course, nkulu, or nunnated kaluy whereas the true stem of uNkulunkulu is uN plus doubled kulu. - Finally, if Nkúlu- Nkúlu were the right form, no linguistic difference between Nkulu-Nkulu 'God' and nkulu-nkulu 'man' could be divined.<br />
<br />
The form Umkulumkulu either is due to bad hearing, or else represents another European construction. At any rate, no Zulu will ever pronounce <i>uMkulumkulu</i>.<br />
<br />
On p. 188 7 Le Roy translates his Nkulu-Nkulu with (in my rendering) "the Gread God (the Very High)", and in the list of Ntu God-names at the end of the book, with "God, lit. the Very High", none of which translations fits Nkulu-Nkulu. For, if refering to God, it would be 'the double Great' or 'Greatest', and if referring to man, 'the double old' or 'oldest'.<br />
<br />
In summing up the native idea of muLungu (o. c. p. 200), Le Roy lets us know what he himself thinks of the Zulu notion of God. He says (in my translation), *'What, then, is He? Ignoramus. He exists, He lives, He does what He is pleased to do, He is incomprehensible, He surpasses our intellect, He is Mulungu (recte muLungu) . . . However, logic being not the strong point with our blacks, they, unhesitatingly, attribute to this great muLungu our good and bad inclinations, our ideas, our cares, our jealousy, our disappointments. In complete inconsequence, they will speak of the supreme might of God and, in the same breath, of the embarrassments in which He finds Himself under given circumstances, of His forgetfulness, of His outbreaks of wrath, &c. In this way"- this is what specially interests us here- "according to Dr. Callway (recte Callaway), quoted by A. Lang, among the Zulus Unkulunkulu which in the past seems to have denoted 'God', has been confounded, in the course of time, with the concept of the first man. But strange to say, this first man- Unkulunkulu- is "he who has made the rain, the corn, the food". And what did the natives do when this word, at a certain time, no longer con- veyed the distinct idea of the Supreme Being? They took another word that would admit of no confusion; and now 'God' is to them Utilexo (apparently misspelt <i>uTixo</i>), a word borrowed from a neighbouring tribe."<br />
<br />
To begin with the end - my readers know already that it was not the Zulu speaking natives who took over uTixo from the neighbouring Xosas, or rather from the Laus (Hottentots), but the missionaries who imported it thence. This being so, it appears also that they could not, and did not, adopt the name for the reason assigned by Le Roy. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="377">All the same, Le Roy did come nearer the truth than any of the other authors (Schneider, Lang, Schmidt, Cathrein) - I believe it is the 'Missionnaire ancien', the observant student of Ntu mentality on the. spot, that asserts himself, as against the mere scientist in Europe. True, he follows Callaway, for want of other sources. He relates, like the rest, that the name Unkulunkulu was identical with that of the first man. But, at the same time, differently from all the others, he, intuitively (I believe), grasps at once the underlying truth. For ( 1 ) he admits that <i>Unkulunkulu</i> seems to have originally signified 'God', adding in a footnote "This conviction was arrived at by compar- ing this word with the identical terms of the neighbouring tribes, among whom they are but intended to distinguish the Supreme Being", and (2) he points to the objective impossibility of "the first man - <i>Unkulunkulu</i>" having made the rain, the corn, &c.<br />
<br />
<b>Lang. </b><br />
<br />
<div closure_uid_lg82u8="416">Considering that Andrew Lang published the first edition of "The Making of Religion" in 1898, he should have taken precedence of Le Roy, but I am quoting from the third edition, published in '1909. He says (p. 207), "The Zulus are the great standing type of an animistic or ghost-worshipping race without a God." lì he had had the material laid down in these pages before him, he, no doubt, would not have made of the Zulus "an animistic race without a God". Nor would he have put the following in the form of a query (showing, for the rest, his acumen as well as his common sense), viz. "But, had they a God (on the Australian pattern) whom they have forgotten, or have they not yet evolved a God out of Animism?"; he would have said, in the form of a statement, They have a God, on a par with the Darumulun of the Australians, the Puluga of the Andamanese, &c, whom they have not entirely forgotten, although they have evolved Animism alongside of Theism'. In the same way, his further deduction (I. c.) would have been different from what it is; he would have put it in some way like this: 'Although both the an- thropological theory (spirits first, God last) and our theory (Supreme Being first, spirits next) can find warrant i n Dr. Callaway's valuable col- lections, they don't in actual Zulu tradition'. And in his final conclusion (p. 209) "... it certainly seems as logical to conjecture that the Zulus had once such an idea of a Supreme Being as lower races entertain, as to say that the Zulus have not yet devolved a King-God out of the throng of spirits (Amantongo)", he would have deleted "seems" and "conjecture" from the first part, and suppressed the second altogether.</div><br />
<b>Schmidt.</b><br />
<br />
W. Schmidt, in his "Der Ursprung der Gottesidee" (Münster i. W. 1912) credits the South East Ntu with but little knowledge of God. After dealing with the North West, West, and the central part of Ntuland, he comes to the East and South East, and says (p. 139, in my translation) :- "In all the rest of Ntuland the state of things is different. The God-name is a collective name, used simultaneously either for spirits in general or especially for the ancestral spirits. The notion no less than the worship of the Supreme Being evanesces more and more ... In the extreme South East of this part, the whole evolution reaches its climax, since among the Kafirs <i>Unkulunkulu</i>, and among the Herero Mokuru, which both originally signify the proto-ancestor, merge with the Supreme Being into an indistinct compound." </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="361"><br />
As far as the Zulus are concerned, "the God-name- Schmidt evidently had <i>unkulunkulu</i> in his mind - is." not "a collective name, used simultaneously either for spirits in general or especially for the ancestral spirits."<br />
<br />
This may be the place to deal with an error common to most, if not all of the authors who have occupied themselves with the <i>unkulunkulu</i>-problem. To them, <i>unkulunkulu</i>, also when not referring to the Supreme Being, is a spirit, or, to be quite exact, they speak of him indiscriminately as 'ancestor' and «'ancestral spirit'. With the Zulu and Zulu-speaking Ntu it is not so.<br />
<br />
Leaving aside for the moment the 'ancestral spirit', and speaking of the "spirits in general", the Zulus know of no other spirits besides those of their dead blood-relations, that is, the <i>amadhlozi</i> or <i>amatongo</i>. True, they believe in some beings whom they call by other names, such as the <i>imi-kovu</i> and <i>imi-lozi</i>. But the former are no spirits, being, in native belief, dead people raised to life again by magic. The latter are spirits, but they are only a species of <i>amadhlozi</i>, acting as 'familiars of a certain class of diviners. This being so, with the Zulus <i>unkulunkulu</i> is not a collective name for "spirits in general".<br />
<br />
<div closure_uid_lg82u8="417">Now, as to the spirits of the dead, when once "brought back" by means of the ukubuyisa-sacrifice (see p. 676), they figure to the native not as <i>unkulunkulu</i> or rather <i>onkulunkulu</i>, but as <i>amadhlozi</i> or <i>amatongo</i>. Therefore even unkulunkulu, as such in the native mind, has nothing to do with ance- stral spirits. Why? Because, as such, it is nothing more nor less than the term, as <i>ubaba</i> father,<i> ukulu</i> grand-parent, <i>ukoko</i> great-grandparent, &c. In using the word <i>unkulunkulu</i>, the native thinks, in the first place, of a man or woman of flesh and bone, who lived at such and such a time, with whom he is related in a far-off degree. Accidentally, the <i>unkulunkulu</i> may be also an <i>idhlozi</i>, in the same way as also <i>ubaba</i>, <i>ukulu</i>, <i>ukoko</i>, &c, but not oif necessity. Thus we have already seen (p. 660) that <i>unkulunkulu</i> in the sense of Adam is not worshipped, and therefore not thought of, as an idhlozi; Callaway's informants were quite definite on this point, and the same information could be had from any of the present-day natives. Again, if it happens that the father of a native, having been killed by lightning, or for some other reason, is not "brought back", his son will not think of him as an <i>idhlozi</i> or ancestral spirit. He is his father, wherefore he calls him ubaba; but he is not an "ancestral spirit" to him, and he will not refer to him as <i>idhlozi</i>. So also the protoparent of all mankind, or, for that, the protoparent of his own tribe, if not actually worshipped, is his remotest ancestor whom he calls unkulunkulu, but he is not an "ancestral spirit" to him, he does not figure as an idhlozi to his mind To sum up- to the native, <i>unkulunkulu</i>, even when referring to the protoparent of all mankind, is nothing but a term of blood-relationship, which, as such, has nothing to do with "spirits in general" nor with "ancestral spirits". And actually, as stated already twice, he is not worshipped nor thought of as an <i>idhlozi</i></div></div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="359"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="359">Schmidt, in treating of <i>Mulungu</i> (recte, as I think: <i>muLungu</i>) as one of the Ntu God-names (o. c. p. 140), comes to the conclusion "that originally it can have meant nothing but 'spirit' in general, and, in particular, 'ancestral spirit'. Then he continues:- "Herewith agrees the fact of <i>umlungu</i> meaning in Kafir 'European': as among so many other primitive peoples, so also here the first pale-faced Europeans were considered as 'revenants', as ancestors come back." </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="359"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="359">As to <i>muLungu</i> 'God' meaning originally 'spirit' in general, and particularly 'ancestral spirit', all I can say, is that I have nowhere found it proved. Further, concerning the philological identity of <i>muLungu</i> 'God' and its variants, with <i>um-lungu</i> 'European' and its variants, I have, so far, come across no author who would have noted the musical tones on the respective syllables. Finally, regarding the identity of these two names in the mind of the several Ntu peoples, I have my doubts. At least, the Kafirs proper (Xosas) and the Zulus are not conscious of any such identity. In their mind, the <i>umlungu</i> 'whiteman' does not figure as 'úNkulunkúlu = <i>umLungu</i> 'God* of other Nta peoples, nor even as <i>unkúlunkúlu</i>. To them the Whiteman is no 'revenant', no 'ancestor come back'. On the contrary, they are quite explicit in their traditional tales as to the, on the one hand, common origin of the white and black from one and the same <i>uhlanga</i>, while, on the other, they give the white people white protoparents, or at least a white mother, and black to the black (the same belief existed also in Callaway's days, re-editon, p. 38). Should it be proved one day that the two words in question are really one, it would appear that the Zulus (and Xosas) borrowed the name <i>umlungu</i> without being conscious of its identity with the <i>muLungu</i> of other Ntu peoples. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="359"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="359">On the same page, Schmidt has: "Next to these territories (sc. those where <i>Morimo</i> (<i>moRimo</i>), with its variants, obtains) comes, to the North West, that of the Hereros, and, to the South East, that of the Kafirs, in both of which, as already stated, the process of pushing the Supreme Being to the background, in favour of the proto-ancestor come to the fore, has reached its climax." I cannot vouch for the Hereros. But, as to the Zulus, even at this stage of our study, we may say confidently that among them there was no less traditional knowledge of the Supreme Being than among mofct of the other Ntu peoples. In proof of this, I may refer the reader to the extracts from "Ten weeks in Natal". If, after (and <i>contra</i>) Colenso, others have had the misfortune to be misled by a baneful confusion of two totally different words, if, for this and other reasons, they were no longer able to unearth all that there was of genuine Zulu tradition on the Supreme Being, or to unravel what they actually were told by the natives, if, finally, they were unfortunate enough to have had for the greater part of their informants, natives who were no longer in conscious possession of genuine tradition (Colenso also mentions one such), all this cannot do away with the fact that, before 1839, the Zulu king Dingana identified at once (p. 666) the <i>uTixo</i> of Gardiner's with the Zulu '<i>úNkulunkúlu</i>, nor with the further of Colenso, in the middle of last century, having met, at places geographically widely distant, with Zulus and other Zulu-speaking natives, who unhesitatingly declared their traditional '<i>úNkulunkúlu</i> to be "the Creator of men, animals, and everything". Even if we shall have to allow - as we shall have to - that there was a goodly number of natives who themselves confounded '<i>úNkulunkúlu</i> and <i>unkulunkúlu</i>, this does not impair the testimoy of those who did not. And who knows how many of the former were but confused by the constant mixing up of these two words, as pronounced by their inquirers, not to speak of all the other "obscuring causes"? </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="358"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="358">In the passage last but one of this chapter (o. c. p. 141), Schmidt writes: "By thus showing up in one comprising view the mutual connection of the entire Bantufield in general, and with Upper Guinea in particular, two things become patent, viz. the priority of the higher monotheistic notion of God, and its gradual evanescing in consequence of the ever growing ancester-worship. And this development stands to reason, if we take into account that it increases in centrifugal direction: the farther the tribes pushed on, having to conquer ever new territories in constant warfare, the more the person of prominent leaders must gain in authority and influence, in their lifetime as well as after it, and thus the ancestor-worship especially of the chiefs could not but increase. A fine proof of the correctness of this line of thought lies in the fact that, in the extreme South East, from among the Kafirs (recte: Zulus) arose such grand leaders, surpassing all the rest, who allowed themselves to be addressed, in their own lifetime, with the same word 'Heaven' which, in the extreme North West, the original starting point of the whole Bantu migrations (?), was reserved exclusively to the Supreme Being." </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="358"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="358">The present writer is not the only one who does not believe in the North West as the starting point oï theNtus in their migrations within Africa. But apart from this, Schmidt, as also many others, evidently is labouring under a false conception of 'ancestor-worship'. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="358"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="358">In the first place, the term 'ancestor-worship' itself, although in universal use, is wrong and misleading when applied to the Ntus. It should be 'worship oï dead blood-relations'. This expression corrects automatically two wide- spread errors. The first is implied by the word 'ancestor'. As a matter of fact, a father, a mother, a brother, a sister, even a child, that died only say a year, or even only a few days or weeks ago (this in the case of the <i>idhlozi</i>-snake or other <i>idhlozi</i>-animal showing itself soon after death), may become an <i>idhlozi</i>. There is no need to say expressly that none of these is an a n e e s t o r or an ancestral spirit, and yet all of them, with the <i>ukubuyisa</i>-sacrifice are full-fledged <i>amadhlozi</i>. The second error presupposes that a former member of an a 1 i e n family, clan, or tribe, could figure as an <i>idhlozi</i>, or the <i>idhlozi</i>, of a given family, clan, or tribe, a thing utterly impossible in the native view. Why? Because he or she would not be a blood-relation. Each family (kraal, <i>umu-zi</i>) worships its own dead, recent and ancient (as far as they may be remembered), and no other. Therefore it would be preposterous for a native who does not belong to the royal Zulu family, to be expected to offer up sacrifice to the ancient Zulu king Zulu, or to any of those "grand" Zulu "leaders", as e. g. Tshaka. No such native will ever think of calling upon, or praying to, them, whereas, at any given occasion, he will call upon, and pray to, his own <i>amadhlozi</i>. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="350"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="350">In other words, even such a mighty dusky Napoleon as Tshaka, never became any kind of a national 'god' or 'demi-god' to be worshipped by the whole Zulu nation. On the contrary, even within the Zulus proper, as soon as a number of them, in accordance with the <i>dabuka</i>-custom, have become a clan of their own, they will, as a rule, no longer mention their Zulu ancestors beyond about the fifth degree, among the <i>amadhlozi</i> at their sacrifices. Those then, who do worship those grand Zulu leaders, are only the members of the royal family in its narrow sense. If the <i>nyatelisa</i>-sacrifice, formerly performed annually by the Zulu king at the graves of his predecessors, had something of a national character, it was not because the former Zulu kings had become in some way deities to the whole nation, but because the king was not to go alone, all his nobles and officials and the kraalheads of importance having to accompany him, as they had to, according to etiquette, at any other occasion. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="350"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="350">The whole argument, therefore, based by Schmidt on the authority and influence of prominent leaders, and the supposed worship accorded to them after death, falls to pieces. The position of the Zulu kings, in life and after death, had to do nothing at all with pushing the Supreme Being into the background; on the contrary, from personal intercourse with members of the royal Zulu family, I came to the conclusion that it was this family where the tradition relating to the Supreme Being was kept alive with greater purity and tenacity than elsewhere. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="350"><br />
</div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="350"><div closure_uid_lg82u8="518">Finally we come to the last part of Schmidt's argument, based upon the fact that the Zulu kings were addressed, in their lifetime, with Zulu. That they should have allowed this, seems to be, in Schmidt's view, about, the same as what Nabuchodonosor did by erecting a statue of his own person, and ordering people to <iframe align="left" frameborder="0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" scrolling="no" src="http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=npommtaz-20&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=0306808668&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifr" style="align: left; height: 245px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 5px; width: 131px;"></iframe>adore it in his own lifetime. In reality, the custom of addressing the Zulu kings as Zulu was something very innocent. First of all, as already explained (p. 679), Zulu, in this case, is not 'Heaven' but Thunderstorm1 or 'Lightning'. But even if it meant 'Heaven', it would involve no sort of apotheosis. For, secondly, the only true reason why the Zulu kings and all the members of the royal family, were, and are, addressed as Zulu, is a general native custom according to which, in politely addressing any adult native, one uses not his personal name, but that of his family, clan, or tribe, or else such names as are known as <i>izi-takazelo</i>. Thus, for instance, a member of the <i>Kanyile</i> tribe of the name <i>uSikukuku</i>, will not be addressed as <i>Sikukuku</i>, but either as <i>Kanyile</i>, or <i>Ngwana</i>, the <i>isithakazelo</i> of the Kanyile tribe. In the very same way, then, any member of the Zulu tribe proper, that is, the royal family, is addressed by its tribal or family name Zulu, or else by some of its <i closure_uid_lg82u8="487"><a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/11/izithakazelo-of-nguni-clans.html">izithakazelo</a></i>, as e. g. <i closure_uid_lg82u8="519"><a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/11/izithakazelo-of-nguni-clans.html">Ndabezitha</a></i>. Besides this way of addressing membres of the royal family, including the king himself, which does not constitute any special privilege, there is another which is reserved to them alone, a royal prerogative, and that is, curiously to say, to address them as <i>mNtwana</i> which literally means 'Child', and is the equivalent .of our European 'Royal Highness', 'Prince', 'Princess' (cf. Spanish "Infante"). </div></div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="349"> </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="349">Thus, then, it appears that "the pushing back of the Supreme Being into the background in the extreme South East of the Bantufield" - as far as it took place - was due neither to "the ever increasing ancestor-worship of prominent (Zulu) leaders" nor to their being addressed by the word <i>Zulu</i>. </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="349"> </div><div align="justify" closure_uid_mf9sny="349">On the contrary, if the natives of Upper Guinea speak oí the Supreme Being as <i>Onyang-kompong</i>, 'Heaven', 'Sky', 'Rain', 'Thunder' + <i>pong</i> 'great', meaning thereby 'The one, all-high God, the Creator cf all things' (o. c. p. 137), we shall see ere long, that the word ' úNkulunkúlu, used in the extreme South East of the Ntufield by the Zulus, in preference to other names, for the Supreme Being, is practically identical with that of the extreme North West, meaning, as it does, 'the all-great Un', that is, 'the all-great God in heaven'. (To be continued.) <br />
<br />
<b>Notes</b><br />
<br />
* For the careful revision of the manuscript I have to thank the Rev. Dom Columba Stenson, O. S. B., Caldey Abbey. ** In order to be able to distinguish between dynamic or rhythmic accent and musical high tone, we use for the former the usual ', and for the latter * (for typographical reasons). 1 stands for musical low tone, and therefore has nothing to do with dynamic accent.<br />
<br />
1 "The traditional Zulu names of God", The Catholic Magazine for S. Africa, Cape Town, 1919, p. 177.<br />
<div closure_uid_hdrnn5="348">2 "Ten Weeks in Natal." </div><div align="justify"><div style="margin: 0px;">3 Cape Town- London 1870.</div></div><div align="justify" closure_uid_hdrnn5="333"></div><div closure_uid_hdrnn5="347">4 H. Callaway: The Religious System of the Amazulu. IPart.: uNkulunkulu, re- edited, Mariannhill, 1913,p.3.</div><div align="justify"><div style="margin: 0px;">5."The Making of Religion", 3Id ed., p. 207. </div><div style="margin: 0px;">6 "The traditional Zulu Names of God", 1. c. p. 179.</div><div>7 "Die Religion der Naturvölker", übersetzt von G. Klerlein, 2. Aufl. 1911.</div></div><div align="justify"></div></div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-175105387682381562011-07-13T21:16:00.000+01:002011-07-13T21:16:01.180+01:00Some Ngoni Weapons Obtained in 1900<div style="text-align: justify;"></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A Collection of Objects from the District to the South-West of Lake Nyassa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Author: R. W. Felkin</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Source: Man, Vol. 1 (1901), pp. 136-137.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland</div><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With notes by R. W. Felkin, M.D., and others.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">'The objects represented in the photograph were collected by the Rev. R. Stewart Wright, of the Manse, Haydon Bridge, Northumberland. They are now in the possession of Dr. Felkin, and were exhibited at a meeting of the Anthropological Institute in the latter part of 1900 (Journ. Anthr. Inst., XXX., Miscellanea, No. 120 pp.).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The information which has been collected about them is very scanty, and they are figured now in the hope that some of the readers of Man may be able to throw some further light upon their peculiarities.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Of No. 1 Mr. Stewart says :-" The scraper-and-dagger combined is used by the " Shire Highlanders. It is made by the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/09/tradition-and-prestige-among-ngoni.html">Ngoni</a>, living to the west of <a href="http://historyofmalawi.blogspot.com/2011/06/dr-david-livingstone-as-explorer.html">Lake Nyasa</a>, who do not think of putting a handkerchief to its legitimate use, when it will answer the purpose of a suit of clothes. The carrier, when toiling along under a heavy burden, with the sweat streaming down his face, scrapes it away with his iron scraper, while the reverse end may be useful as a defence should he be attacked at close quarters."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">[ 136 1901.] MAN. [Nos. 112 -113.</div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgocvv7nszSM7wZZNkk3mXuTqdO6MJCdPLY1l5j2FwLdIMXX62gO0BhrrlznmLka1aeNr_HWeIRvZSKE0KLTFRIX9vFxFDRNeGkKIlMOvA2B9UTRJ0hmbCdA-QSgm4E29hDBBIacDk60ws/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="184" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgocvv7nszSM7wZZNkk3mXuTqdO6MJCdPLY1l5j2FwLdIMXX62gO0BhrrlznmLka1aeNr_HWeIRvZSKE0KLTFRIX9vFxFDRNeGkKIlMOvA2B9UTRJ0hmbCdA-QSgm4E29hDBBIacDk60ws/s320/image002.gif" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ngoni weapons</td></tr>
</tbody></table><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nos. 2 and 3 are a combined dagger and beer ladle; the former lurks in the handle of the latter, which is hollowed to form its sheath. Mr. Stewart Wright says "The combined knife anid beer ladle is unique, as I have never seen a duplicate of it. I should imagine that the maker had the idea that he would have a knife always at hand, in case of a drunken brawl. I got it in the Shire Highlands; it was made by a Manganga."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">No. 4 appears to be a small fighting axe. The blade is of iron, and of a curious recurved form. The mode of hafting is peculiarly simple; the blade being simply thrust through a hole in the haft, and secured by a wrappiug of bark-cloth. The handle is carved into a conventional representation of the head of a gazelle, or other horned animal. There are no details as to the place or mode of manufacture.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">No. 5 is a short iron spear with a flowing tuft of hair at the butt-end. Mr. Stewart Wright says of it:-" The spear is made, fused, by the Ngoni. It is a stabbing spear, "and used in finishing off the wounded after a battle."</div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-67127387441360231662011-07-12T22:31:00.001+01:002011-07-12T22:34:45.995+01:00Zulu Beads and Some Ngoni Beadwork<div style="text-align: justify;">Beads and beadwork have been an important part of the culture of southeast Africa for hundreds of years, perhaps for millennia. They have been used by archaeologists to date the ancient ruins of Mapungubwe and Zimbabwe, by historians to provide evidence of trading activities and contacts with other civilizations and cultures, and by anthropologists who have recognized <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/07/zulu-and-xhosa-praise-poetry-and-song.html">Zulu</a> beadwork as an important social regulator and index of status within the society. Curiously enough, however, Zulu beadwork, acknowledged to be among the finest in Africa, has received very little attention as an artistic expression.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Robert Hull Fleming Museum of the University of Vermont in Burlington has an outstanding collection of this beadwork which was the special province of the Zulu women, consisting of over 150 pieces collected by various donors from 1847 to circa 1910. A number of them can be pin-pointed as to geographic origin. The main sources of the collection are in the Transvaal, Natal and southern <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2009/08/angoni-by-whj-rangeley.html">Mozambique</a>. This geographic and time span allows for speculation about regional variations and stylistic developments.</div><br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8ESG1CzmdHfm04kuGhoq1Mbij94ZapyKuarYHOyeQjIOBpObIZ3ZO8yp7FuyheFdHvNJjGBZacr1RzBRwNe6iP_HjLI7oitLCS4pIg1qEe0dGoe11ya9M9tJZyDAd11t5CNjualxFNRg/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8ESG1CzmdHfm04kuGhoq1Mbij94ZapyKuarYHOyeQjIOBpObIZ3ZO8yp7FuyheFdHvNJjGBZacr1RzBRwNe6iP_HjLI7oitLCS4pIg1qEe0dGoe11ya9M9tJZyDAd11t5CNjualxFNRg/s320/image002.gif" width="232" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">1. Zulu Necklace Beadwork</td></tr>
</tbody></table><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEho48HBDAxiWZqf_e19sy4_F_Nfa6kSYvfdrzeclG1emZTsz_I21pocubjT5DBQsKqZa11rJF2VAtaT8D0uhvx6BmS6ZOS3Rl7fkfilZcZM9geGCpku3FjQOubvCf9gv7pB3Iwoy-pjrKE/s1600/wife_of_angoni_chieftain_in_1936.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEho48HBDAxiWZqf_e19sy4_F_Nfa6kSYvfdrzeclG1emZTsz_I21pocubjT5DBQsKqZa11rJF2VAtaT8D0uhvx6BmS6ZOS3Rl7fkfilZcZM9geGCpku3FjQOubvCf9gv7pB3Iwoy-pjrKE/s1600/wife_of_angoni_chieftain_in_1936.jpg" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Mozambique Maseko Ngoni beadwork</td></tr>
</tbody></table><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The bulk of the Fleming Museum's collection is composed of pieces made from modern beads of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, although there are nearly two dozen older pieces. These older beads are not only the indigenous stone, ostrich shell, seed and wood beads, but also cowrie shells and glass beads imported by Arab traders from India, Persia, Arabia and the Far East, with most of the trade beads coming from Cambay. The Arabs monopolized the trade routes to East Africa until exploration by the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century opened up the area to European exploitation. The modem beads, brought by the Portuguese and English, were smaller, mass-produced and thus regular in size and shape (an advantage to the beadworker), and generally indistinguishable from one another. While the older beads were used to indicate one's wealth and status, the modem beads were available in plentiful quantities to anyone since they were used as specie by traders, settlers and missionaries.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The oldest part of the collection was bequeathed to the University of Vermont by the Reverend Lewis Grout, an American Presbyterian missionary in Umsunduzi, Natal from 1847 to 1862. Generally, this section is representative of the ornaments of the Zulu prior to prolonged contact with Europeans; the pieces are probably at least several decades older than the collection dates of 1847-1862 since during this period, the new beads had already flooded Africa. The Grout ornaments are composed of teeth, bones, cowries, pith and brass as well as the large irregular beads which fell into disfavor as the imported ones became available.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Most are strung on twisted vegetable fiber rather than on the imported cotton cord and linen string found in later pieces.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Among the beadwork collected by Grout are three large brass balls, indondo, each approximately three centimeters in diameter and of irregular shape, which were traditionally strung around the neck of a married woman as evidence of her marital status. There is also a string of leopard phalanges strung on a fiber cord, probably worn by a man, which had a greater magical than decorative function (Fig. 3). A large gray cocoon on a string fits a description by the Reverend Franz Mayr in a 1907 article, "The Zulu Kafirs of Natal," of</div><div style="text-align: justify;">a caterpillar cocoon which may have been filled with tiny</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">BELOW PAGE: 2. IMIBIJO AND IMIGONQOLOZI, FIBER TUBES COVERED WITH COILS</div><div style="text-align: justify;">OF BEADWORK AND WORN ON THE ARMS, NECK, SHOULDERS AND WAIST</div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwW3HgOIHe6zAV4vcEri6v64NgChHMITjKFreyFM8JWZdOA4qNyKDv0TRwoFkgAuSmdvZ93pvzWfCbj-rWfkXnON59gsD1S5zdWqQogCCNvMOYokXkq0oE8Lhl9VuPNDbz-FZXYXPAwzg/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwW3HgOIHe6zAV4vcEri6v64NgChHMITjKFreyFM8JWZdOA4qNyKDv0TRwoFkgAuSmdvZ93pvzWfCbj-rWfkXnON59gsD1S5zdWqQogCCNvMOYokXkq0oE8Lhl9VuPNDbz-FZXYXPAwzg/s320/image002.gif" width="241" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">2. Imibijo and Imigonqolozi</td></tr>
</tbody></table><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCsJTuivjUH9jGURFJMvPmbFv7Q0qvl_5ZBYkJNtqhzVboA60TLJWEsmx3JctgxukyPNMGgPaSsCGJ4gO2KDmQDrsScqnDjhyMlUvEQprLFNh3k-FyWD7CLJkwj4D48hVxnvWnBHFZSZ8/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCsJTuivjUH9jGURFJMvPmbFv7Q0qvl_5ZBYkJNtqhzVboA60TLJWEsmx3JctgxukyPNMGgPaSsCGJ4gO2KDmQDrsScqnDjhyMlUvEQprLFNh3k-FyWD7CLJkwj4D48hVxnvWnBHFZSZ8/s320/image002.gif" width="240" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">3.Older Zulu Beadwork, amaka strings of leopard phalanges, Trade Beads from the east , Job's tears and a cacoon</td></tr>
</tbody></table><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0ePix2rbdWiLR5B5BKVUzgBoTxrI-8QnDV2IzhDTtmrXKAnctsPM4pIhLPoHPcVV0fheyb2O6ulQrtk1mE2AJsUt55TquCrFhhEZOn5mSmPIKCCUs06OPnCj3h4G3rSvEWhwAlnryAGI/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0ePix2rbdWiLR5B5BKVUzgBoTxrI-8QnDV2IzhDTtmrXKAnctsPM4pIhLPoHPcVV0fheyb2O6ulQrtk1mE2AJsUt55TquCrFhhEZOn5mSmPIKCCUs06OPnCj3h4G3rSvEWhwAlnryAGI/s320/image002.gif" width="231" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">4.Zulu Child's string of beads, the ingeje, a little girl beaded tab shown with an adult tab necklace for comparison</td></tr>
</tbody></table><div style="text-align: justify;">Note From Blogger: compare the above with Ngoni child beads</div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiavhZ7CoqFafCVbVGaQzL4oHzIPQvkxu7sqPQXoVnUMq0mXbolm6EsfgM2W0VlkH-DZDlYSv4tpSPUtLUMwn1c0hlNHSFpOe9fMSC7pzScvCnlcHkaoiKLw2uzQIvGmJ0iAsn_8qPrPXE/s1600/Album_27_Scan0026+copy%255B1%255D.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiavhZ7CoqFafCVbVGaQzL4oHzIPQvkxu7sqPQXoVnUMq0mXbolm6EsfgM2W0VlkH-DZDlYSv4tpSPUtLUMwn1c0hlNHSFpOe9fMSC7pzScvCnlcHkaoiKLw2uzQIvGmJ0iAsn_8qPrPXE/s320/Album_27_Scan0026+copy%255B1%255D.jpg" width="204" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Malawian Ngoni child with ingeje and beaded necklace</td></tr>
</tbody></table><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTuMqelhc73BkB_CPzy3lBj52tvnRVPaGqAbGHvyvAKUjrlAOGsTd8B7pktxGJ0_OqlD39YmBZ24yw17Mc7e6q31YirISqekDf1lDohLvwn8gWp9wnWJiIXsKtKsn9_poD2L8o8DpmOfU/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTuMqelhc73BkB_CPzy3lBj52tvnRVPaGqAbGHvyvAKUjrlAOGsTd8B7pktxGJ0_OqlD39YmBZ24yw17Mc7e6q31YirISqekDf1lDohLvwn8gWp9wnWJiIXsKtKsn9_poD2L8o8DpmOfU/s320/image002.gif" width="259" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">7. Probabley Zulu Widows necklace</td></tr>
</tbody></table><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhXXlOoKBn6zzLMyTt4yHsrkAr3IQ-Tmf_C4qITzoapPsKcxN2lcVX5t5hdPTl-G22AQm9y4CbzQpoErqAcf1Wi4v04SgfGdLyiALZCIG2UR4cmqlpLavxhgIkklQsR_Kks4mxiyPxSPc/s1600/image004.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhXXlOoKBn6zzLMyTt4yHsrkAr3IQ-Tmf_C4qITzoapPsKcxN2lcVX5t5hdPTl-G22AQm9y4CbzQpoErqAcf1Wi4v04SgfGdLyiALZCIG2UR4cmqlpLavxhgIkklQsR_Kks4mxiyPxSPc/s320/image004.gif" width="244" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">8. Two Zulu Handsome shoulder bands and a matching tab and collar </td></tr>
</tbody></table><br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJB1CXXr7cXmy8gkFwG8X7LmFi2njmthYe-bLtOrSb7OV8TcR8T_F8VwjSo99UVPIIxB7jDb5iCMtdvP_6w-KuNFf0OCd-pfNxaHvIHg_Sf1PXRO68ZC_Mk8N0q2xbOCciHzBnU39_Nus/s1600/image006.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJB1CXXr7cXmy8gkFwG8X7LmFi2njmthYe-bLtOrSb7OV8TcR8T_F8VwjSo99UVPIIxB7jDb5iCMtdvP_6w-KuNFf0OCd-pfNxaHvIHg_Sf1PXRO68ZC_Mk8N0q2xbOCciHzBnU39_Nus/s320/image006.gif" width="235" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">9. Ubala abuyisse or "love letter" necklace</td></tr>
</tbody></table><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRziglFTXD-K5G6qUcf3fz-YziCJPI9kegDoHmOOHuaUQIixpkN3EFSpY4bWNjRrM304EwGT_ZnIwaV4rxwQXA8cWXPlthJ41YANXf14T3RhDLhmvODHKiz8t3Io-HB0CmXePQHsncN4I/s1600/image008.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRziglFTXD-K5G6qUcf3fz-YziCJPI9kegDoHmOOHuaUQIixpkN3EFSpY4bWNjRrM304EwGT_ZnIwaV4rxwQXA8cWXPlthJ41YANXf14T3RhDLhmvODHKiz8t3Io-HB0CmXePQHsncN4I/s320/image008.gif" width="226" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">10. A magnificent Zulu fringed loin covered with diamond and chevron designs</td></tr>
</tbody></table><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">pebbles and worn on the ankle as a noisemaker by young boys at dances (Fig. 3). A vegetable fiber string of little pith beads may be the amaka also described by him, where scented herbs are ground, kneaded and shaped into little balls and pierced with a thorn. The Grout collection also contains an example of the traditional cylindrical reed snuff container, often worn in a pierced ear. This particular container, however, consists of two reeds bound together by black and white bands of the fine modern beadwork.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A string of the old, tapering, large wound glass cylinders in opaque white, blue and plum color on a white core is an example of still another type of beadwork from this varied collection. These plum colored or red-on-white beads, also called "slave beads," are among the most common older beads in the world, and existed in a variety of sizes in southeast Africa after 1800. In the Fleming Museum, they are most often found as fasteners in conjunction with a thread loop affixed to pieces composed largely of small modern beads-only in two examples are they an integral part of the piece.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Two of the most dazzling ornaments in the Fleming Museum were acquired by Grout. Two long, beaded shoulder bands, 113 centimeters long, and a matching collar with a large pendant breast tab are worked in alternate red, blue and black triangles against a white beadwork ground while the neckband of the collar is worked in an intricate lace-like stringing technique (Fig. 8). The ensemble would have been an especially handsome dance or courtship attire for a young Zulu man.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In 1934, Laura Buckham presented the Museum with some Zulu articles of considerable age. Among them were several pieces of beadwork which were recently discovered to have been collected by Miss Buckham's grandfather, Josiah Tyler, a Congregational missionary who was Grout's friend and neighbor in Natal; in fact, Tyler took over Grout's mission from 1862, when the latter returned to Vermont, until 1889. The several pieces of beadwork which Tyler obtained should be regarded as an extension of the Grout collection by virtue of collection date and locality.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An interesting item in the Buckham/Tyler group is a rectangular bag made of thin pieces of hollow grass or reed tied together and lined with cotton cloth. It is decorated with occasional beadwork on the front, and has two long beaded strings attached, probably used to carry it around the neck. The use of grass contrasts with later examples of entirely beaded bags.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Tyler also possessed a string of red seed beads alternating with tiny, hexagonal, black iridescent beads which seems to be an example of the traditional single-strand love beads, ucu lokuqoma, strung by a young Zulu girl for her first lover to wear around his neck. She had similar strands for her waist, wrists and ankles. This string marked the first stage of her love life and after this point she was allowed to wear any kind of beaded ornament to beautify herself.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By far the largest part of the Museum's Zulu beadwork came from Mrs. Robert Catlin, whose husband was the General Manager for Consolidated Gold Mines at Johannesburg in the Transvaal from 1895 to 1906. The Catlins acquirednearly one hundred pieces of excellent beadwork, and their gift contains striking examples in almost every category. In a dazzling array of color and pattern, the superbly crafted pieces summarize the Zulu woman's gift for design and technique.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A Zulu donned various types of beadwork corresponding to stages of development from childhood to adulthood; it functioned to order the progression of love from courtship to marriage. When a child began to crawl, a medicinal amulet- a special berry acting as a charm for good health-was replaced by a single string of beads, the ingeje (Fig. 4). Sometimes the child's string had tiny beaded tabs, one for little girls and two tabs, front and back, for boys. As the girlchild grew, her loin band became more elaborate with beaded fringes and larger square tabs, the isiheshe. A stunning isiheshe in the Catlin gift (Inside Front Cover) has a black and white striped beaded tab with back fringes in red, white and blue; three long strands of larger beads hang from each side of the tab, ending in a cluster of small brass bells which gave out a musical jingle when the wearer walked. At puberty, the young girl adorned herself with a red or blue cloth extending from waist to mid-thigh and decorated with beads, the utshodo. Young unmarried men often wore the utshodo of their future brides around their heads, according to Mayr.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The most symbolic of Zulu beadwork communicated both publicly and privately the state of one's love life. In addition to the ucu lokuqoma noted in the Tyler gift were the "love letters," ubala abuyisse or "One writes in order that the other should reply." These were highly prized by the young Zulu men who wore them all over their necks, heads andchests. The greater the number of love letters, the more sweethearts or wives the owner was shown to have, reflecting his wealth and status. The Catlin collection contains numerous ubala abuyisse with tabs varying in size, shape and number, on strings both plain and beaded or occasionally fringed with lace-like beadwork (Fig. 9). Common to all of them are the richness and intricacy of their patterns, produced</div><div style="text-align: justify;">with a limited range of colors which have symbolic meanings. Brilliant visual effects are created in geometric</div><div style="text-align: justify;">designs of diamonds, chevrons and zigzags.</div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgREoPilXOdwixE5_JsjZvX5MHjILrd2zIXdvxGlwVbXHl_G6fU1Pj3undzAugV27YL5g6XqQi66ACw6Hb_2J-o6HBigJVKGS-UyciZrhgj04P0Iug2_xay9tWkpyHEFZsy0R8AAID1MBY/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgREoPilXOdwixE5_JsjZvX5MHjILrd2zIXdvxGlwVbXHl_G6fU1Pj3undzAugV27YL5g6XqQi66ACw6Hb_2J-o6HBigJVKGS-UyciZrhgj04P0Iug2_xay9tWkpyHEFZsy0R8AAID1MBY/s320/image002.gif" width="220" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">6. A necklace of two wooded pieces usually worn by married women</td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh518c_Npu3arZsIONvTZ8spleYrvzLs6U2EL_CxRb3TT1bTGKeUbCqFfmUEKvf3z0-VkDbBhSEvanQLIQNqzM8J1lyrn-ygdVqZPe3wOkjo-KIXxLZe2S-RpUv3lOcHhU2d2F_GnjKBfI/s1600/image004.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh518c_Npu3arZsIONvTZ8spleYrvzLs6U2EL_CxRb3TT1bTGKeUbCqFfmUEKvf3z0-VkDbBhSEvanQLIQNqzM8J1lyrn-ygdVqZPe3wOkjo-KIXxLZe2S-RpUv3lOcHhU2d2F_GnjKBfI/s320/image004.gif" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">5. Examples of Bags made entirely of beads<br />
<br />
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</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A knowledge of the local color code used in the beadwork is necessary before one can read the message in the tabs and strings. Regina Twala did field work in 1948 on the cipher and colors used in beadwork by the Emangwaneni tribes of the Bergville district of Natal, but her interpretation of the color codes often contradicts that of Rev. Mayr who also wrote from personal observation in 1907. Mayr, however, did not record from which groups of Zulu he drew his information; he seems to have assumed that the color symbolismwas standard throughout the Zulu world and stated that "... the actual pattern does not appear to have any defined significance; it is rather the succession of the color and the relative amounts of the colors, that express the tenor of themessage." I Twala, however, felt that the interpretation of the colors varied with the pattern. Also, according to Mayr the border was merely decorative and the beaded string the most important message bearer, while Twala believed that the main message was in the tab. Regional variations and the difference in the dates of investigation are very likely responsible for these discrepancies.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, certain colors seem to have retained general meanings which were shared by all Zulu. For instance,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">opaque white beads, Ihambo or "bone," stood for purity of love; pink symbolized poverty; vaseline-yellow signified wealth; and blue symbolized the dove. Mayr interpreted a string of beads in the following manner: "My heart is pure and white in the long weary days (white beads); I have become quite lean and sickly (green beads); If I were a dove I would fly to your home and pick up food at your door (blue beads); Darkness prevents my coming to you (black beads).'2 The entire message is repeated a number of times. The following</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is Twala's interpretation of a design according to the physical arrangement of the beads: "(a) WHITE ... I say</div><div style="text-align: justify;">this with an open white heart. (b) BLUE ... I say, Oh for the dove that picks food (c) WHITE ... In the yard at your kraal. (d) RED ... I envy also the one who enjoys your fireplace. (e) WHITE ... Although my heart may be pure. (f) PINK... You are poor."3</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite apparent general similarities in meanings of colors, accurate interpretations can be made only by one who knows the exact local origin of the love letter and the color code peculiar to that place. Unfortunately, lacking a more specific provenance than the vast Transvaal, the color code to the pieces in the Fleming Museum must be considered lost.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In many pieces throughout the collection as a whole, and especially in the love letters, some odd beads appeared to create a certain tension or imbalance in an otherwide regular pattern. Usually these stray beads were red, although occasionally blue or pink, and they occurred either singly or by twos. Since they are found most often in the love letters, it may be possible that they formed part of the message. However, the beads may also have been deliberately placed to break the repetitive rhythm of a design on either aesthetic</div><div style="text-align: justify;">or magical grounds, or both.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Beads could also represent the rejection of a lover, as in the case of the inkakane, beads whose royal blue color symbolized a wandering, noisy bird. A young man whose lover had offended him would have his sister make the strand which would be given to his erring sweetheart on the eve of a public event. Beads presented at such a time obliged the receiver to wear them at the ceremony and thus display her lover's rebuke to all.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The greatest attention was paid to beaded body ornamentation by those between the ages of fourteen and forty. Young people bedecked themselves lavishly for courtship and dancing. When a girl accepted a marriage proposal, she gave her sweetheart a string of white beads symbolizing her purity, and before the marriage all the girls in her age group would gather to make quantities of beadwork for her "trousseau." On the day of the wedding dances, the bride dressed in her finest beadwork, including many thick fiber tubes covered with beaded coils called <i>imibijo</i> or <i>imigonqo-lozi, </i>worn over the arms and shoulders and around the neck. She would also wear a bead-fringed headdress. The Catlin collection contains many fine imibijo worked in stripes and patterns (Fig. 2), as well as a headband studded with brass buttons and fringed with two veil-like clusters of white looped beads, very possibly a bridal headdress (Fig. 1).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Except for special occasions, married men and women wore little beadwork. When men attained warrior rank, their personal adornment changed from beaded to feather ornamentation. A married woman often wore a simple necklet of white beads and little wooden pieces from the fragrant <i>Umtomboti</i> tree (Fig. 6).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Black beads in quantity were a sign of the wearer's widowhood. Widows also wore necklets to indicate whether or not they were interested in remarrying. An unusual example in the Catlin gift is a predominantly black, tubular neckpiece with some patches of white (Fig. 7). Hanging in the center are four brass rings beaded in black, but with contrasting center sections of red beads in two rings, and blue beads in the other two. This message of the piece may bethat the widow's eyes are red with weeping (red beads) but that she is amenable to a new love (white and blue beads).</div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhQ55reGvqTYHodfa2sJETXc8HXewUamfpMgJ3JNUJrByCZ9DiLx5uGa7UYO_qEwBxoH_BsCorAAt7iyjJRkOGLCIKxtiHIgCijg5luHmBzSVT_VwZZkgwsTmMw39DOcF6O97oinC47WUk/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhQ55reGvqTYHodfa2sJETXc8HXewUamfpMgJ3JNUJrByCZ9DiLx5uGa7UYO_qEwBxoH_BsCorAAt7iyjJRkOGLCIKxtiHIgCijg5luHmBzSVT_VwZZkgwsTmMw39DOcF6O97oinC47WUk/s320/image002.gif" width="177" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">11. An example of a lace like stringing technique from Kellogg 's collection</td></tr>
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</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Also found in profusion in the Catlin collection are splendid woven fiber beaded girdles studded with brass buttons, bead and fringed loin coverings on heavy beaded strings (Fig. 10), wide armbands and long strings of beadwork to be wound around the wrist and ankle. The seemingly endless variety of intricate patterns in startling color combinations along with flawless technique indicates the high quality of Zulu beadwork as a creative art form in the late nineteenth century. Perhaps the most elaborate and beautiful piece in the entire collection is a magnificent necklace in a delicate network of shades of blue (Fig. 1). This piece is unique to</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the collection, and may have been worn by a member of the Zulu royal house. The Catlin gift dominates the Fleming Museum's collection of beadwork, not only due to its impressive quality but also to its sheer superiority in number.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">While Director of Agriculture for Mozambique, Portuguese East Africa from 1908 to 1910, Otis Warren Barrett made a 1300 mile trip through Zulu country in southern Mozambique, where he collected the beadwork later donated to the Fleming Museum. There are several very fine pieces: an animal skin headband covered with cowry shells, sewn with sinew thread and with leather strips for a tie closure- an older type of ornamentation; a small bracelet of twisted copper and metal wire with interwoven bands of pink and green beadwork which distinguishes it from theplain twisted-wire bracelets usually worn; and an exquisitely delicate hair ornament made of a thin, curved skewer of bone. This ornament is wrapped for half its length in fine wire; hanging from the wrapped wire are long strands of fine wire strung with tiny red, white and blue beads. When worn, the beaded wires shimmer and tremble in response to the slightest movement of the body or head.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The most recent acquisition to the Museum's beadwork collection remains mysterious as to provenance. About a dozen pieces similar in color, design and manufacture technique were given by Julia Kellogg of Vermont, who had missionary friends in South Africa. The beadwork was sent to her by one of these friends somewhere in South Africa, probably after 1910.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The significance of the Kellogg collection lies in the incorporation of European objects into the beadwork. Although an exact provenance is not available for these pieces, all evidence points to a Mission origin. Many of the articles are executed in a fancy and strikingly lace-like pattern, reminiscent of heavily lace-edged Victorian garments at the turn of the century (Fig. 11). A lace-like stringing technique exists as early in the collection as the Grout pieces, but only in the Kellogg group does it seem to openly mimic European lace. There is also a brass safety pin and a stout Victorian hairpin, both with beaded appendages. A small leather purse with a flap is fastened with a European pearl shirt button and buttonhole, and beaded with four neat little</div><div style="text-align: justify;">rosettes, in great contrast to the traditional Zulu beaded bags mentioned earlier. Finally, there is a necklace with a long blue and white lace-like tab from which hangs a tin cap box stamped with the legend "King Edward VII" and his royal profile. This container exemplifies a new development in Zulu beadwork at variance with the traditional container such as the reed snuff container collected by Grout, and a gourd snuff container collected by the Catlins. In these examples from the Kellogg donation, the beadwork has become</div><div style="text-align: justify;">subsidiary to these foreign extraneous objects.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although the designs are simple and the colors monotonously limited to blue and white, technically these pieces represent the apogee of Zulu beadwork. The virtuosity in stringing is surpassed only by the superb Catlin necklace. But this technical excellence marks the final stage in the development of Zulu beadwork. Increasing European influences in all aspects of Zulu life, the political and military upheavals of the nineteenth century, the introduction of more standardized beads and ready-made imported necklaces of the twentieth century, irrevocably changed the character of this traditional art. The forces of life that motivated the creation and wearing of beaded ornaments changed direction.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is difficult to ascertain whether stylistic and other variations in the Fleming Museum's collection can be construed as representing a period of development and decline in Zulu beadwork throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, or merely a difference in regional styles. Both arguments seem tenable; comparison with other collections could help resolve this problem. However, the significance of the collection as a whole lies in the contrast between the old and new decorative objects-in its progression from the beadwork of the more ancient, contained world of the Zulu where the complex rituals of life bound the people together, to the beadwork of a world increasingly controlled by the white man, and reflecting the increasing acceptance of a white, Western system of values. -]<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7CmXDSZ00qp_fr_9rZ6H6B3clv0WsuoFQKaYiX_CTrwRWNkAZwJha-Oc4O-4MZQAWd2DTplQmVNQrC4EfywkWnzdbR2SwbGUzcpJGwSFojz_HVDeBrs-GeOdy51QoRepT-KF1SumKKA0/s1600/Typical_Ngoni_Ladies.gif.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7CmXDSZ00qp_fr_9rZ6H6B3clv0WsuoFQKaYiX_CTrwRWNkAZwJha-Oc4O-4MZQAWd2DTplQmVNQrC4EfywkWnzdbR2SwbGUzcpJGwSFojz_HVDeBrs-GeOdy51QoRepT-KF1SumKKA0/s320/Typical_Ngoni_Ladies.gif.jpg" width="222" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Mzimba Ngoni Women in early 1900s</td></tr>
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</div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-69482534733970143462011-07-11T00:24:00.002+01:002011-12-12T12:34:34.641+00:00ZULU AND XHOSA PRAISE POETRY AND SONG<div style="text-align: justify;"> by DAVID RYCROFT </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>Part of the following article has previously appeared in a paper presented to the Anthropology Section of the 124th Annual Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Manchester, August/September, 1962.</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The boundary between song and some forms of verse or declamation which are nowadays classified as "oral literature" is a blurred one and calls for co-operation between linguists and ethnomusicologists. Very little study has yet been made of musical characteristics found in the border-line art of praise-poetry or praise-singing which is practiced very widely throughout Africa. Among the Eastern and South-Eastern Bantu, what small evidence there is reveals considerable differences between the traditional style of delivery associated with Zulu <span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Times,'Times New Roman',serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 19px; white-space: nowrap;"><i><a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/07/xhosa-poetry-and-usage-of-word-tribe.html">izibongo</a></i></span></span> praises,1 and that, for example, of the Heroic Recitations of the Banyankore, a Bantu people of East Africa. A. N. Tucker2 has recorded some of the latter and they were taken as the subject for a thesis by H. F. R. Morris.3 They are uttered with quite phenomenal rapidity and the overall intonation contour of each line is a gradually descending one, without the observance of fixed musical pitches.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zulu practice, in the South-East, is totally different. In a number of recordings of <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/09/praise-poems-of-maseko-and-jele-ngoni.html">iZibongo</a>, by two different reciters,4 four recurrent levels of pitch resembling the "scale" of notes in a piece of music appear to predominate and might be said to serve as a basic tonal structure (in the musical sense) throughout the recitation. Rudimentary evidence of reciting conventions among other South-Eastern Bantu such as the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/09/in-memory-of-william-koyi-xhosa.html">Xhosa</a>, Sotho and Venda seems to suggest that this four-note, quasi-musical style is practised only by the Zulu, in this area. Other peoples, from evidence available so far, seem to deviate less from normal speech when they recite praises. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The four predominant notes used in the <a href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=2820652"rel="nofollow">Zulu izibongo</a> recordings mentioned, could be represented roughly by the Tonic Solfa symbols doh', te, sob, and Dob. Low Dob occurs only finally in a stanza and may tail off to lower, indeterminate pitch just as the final syllable fades into silence. Syllables taking one or other of the higher notes do not always main- tain absolutely level pitch. Glides to or from one or other of the notes, or from one to another, are frequent, but this is also the case in true Zulu song. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">My teacher, the late Dr. B. W. Vilakazi, left us with a long-standing riddle when he made the statement that "It lyric poetry was originally intended to be sung, then this quality of poetry still exists in Zulu. The poet has to tune his voice to some melody when he recites his imaginative descriptions".5 </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He added the observation that tone in Zulu is "semantic" and that this "semanticism of tone, though wide in the spoken language is more apparent in the recitation of verse." From the last statement, one gathers firstly, that the "melody" in izibongo recitation does not violate the speech-tones. This certainly turns out to be true. There is no single, constant melodic sequence - pitch movement is conditioned by the words. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But there are four possible notes, and Zulu, in common with most other Bantu languages, is a two-tone language (in the linguistic sense), using only two contrasting registers. Attempts to establish the upper two notes as variant realisations of High speech tones, while the lower two represent Low tones, prove fallacious. As I have described in some detail in an earlier papers, it finally became evident that only the highest note, doh', represented High speech tones. Low speech-tones take low Dob when final, but whether they take te or sob when non-final depends upon the initial consonant of the syllable. Unvoiced consonants require te for the syllable, while most voiced consonants demand sob. The process is operated quite mechanically by the Zulu reciter. There is, in fact, in the spoken language - as also in German and Chinese - an auto- matic voiced consonant/pitch-lowering correlation, as was first noted by D. M. Beach in 19247. This phonetic feature seems to be exploited and exaggerated in izibongo recita- tion. But this, no doubt, has a natural foundation in the fact that consonantal pitch- lowering has a more pronounced effect, in Zulu, when one talks at the top ot one's voice. From the recordings it seems that recitation takes place within a pitch range at least an octave higher than that of normal speech - judging by pitches used by the reciter when announcing the title of each izibongo. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The validity of Vilakazi's claim that speech-tone contrasts become "more apparent" in recitation is borne out if we compare recited lines with normally spoken ones, as in Fig. 1. The upper transcription in each case shows recited pitch levels while the lower shows those of a normally spoken version of the same line. The multiplicity of pitches in the spoken versions results from the interaction of speech-tones, lowering consonants (underlined), and, thirdly, overall "sentence intonation" which, in most types of utter- ance in Zulu, confers progressive dropping of pitch, or "downdrift." </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In recitation, this normal intonation feature is entirely absent until the last two syllables of a stanza where, as the pitch drops all at once, a wide interval is traversed which provides an effective concluding formula. Avoidance of the normal downdritt intonation of speech, and the maintaining of fixed levels ot pitch like musical notes instead, is no doubt what Vilakazi had in mind when he referred to tuning the voice to "some melody" when reciting. He was himself a leading Zulu poet. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Fig. 1 Extract from IZibongo zikaShaka 8</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
U-Shaka ngiyesab' ukuthi unguShaka</div><div style="text-align: justify;">U-Shaka kwakuyinkosi ya.semashobe-ni.<br />
<br />
Upper transcription: Recited pitch levels (Mr. John Mgadi);<br />
Lower transcription: Spoken pitch levels (Mr. S. Ngcobo).<br />
<br />
Translation: "Shaka - I am afraid for thou art Shaka!<br />
Shaka - There was a king amongst the cattle tails!"<br />
(i.e., A master of the cattle raid he was!)<br />
<br />
The question remains, however, whether or not Izibongo recitation should be regarded as a species of song. The sequence of pitches is certainly not a free, musically determined melody. Use of one or other of the four notes is conditioned directly by an interaction of speech-tones, consonants, and stanza finality. Linguistic determinism here appears to be absolute, and this state of affairs stands in distinct contrast to what happens in items which are clearly acceptable to true song. In traditional Zulu songs, speech-tones and consonants certainly have an influence on the melodic rise and fall, but musical requirements are also in evidence and there is give and take between the two. As Hornboste I stated of African Negro song, generally:<br />
<br />
"The pitches of the speaking voice, indeed, appear to determine the melodic nucleus; but they have no influence upon its inborn creative forces; these forces, and not any qualities of speech, direct the further course of the melodic development"9.<br />
<br />
In the old dance-song of the Buthelezi clan shown in Fig. 2, only four notes are used - or three and their octaves. But these bear no relationship to those used in izibongo and the way in which High and Low speech-tones are set to the notes is quite different. Hign speech-tones are not realised always on the highest note. In the first two words of the initial phrase, High and Low speech-tones do consistently take dob' and sob, respectively. But in the next word, High tones take sob, and Low tones take ray and, finally, Doh. In the final word of the men's part, speech-tones are melodically over- ruled: the sequence should properly be High-Low-High.<br />
<br />
<br />
Fig. 2 Buthelezi (Zulu) dance-song.10<br />
Translation: "They set him up for one month: then they deposed him.<br />
He is getting old now! Father is getting old!"<br />
<br />
It seems to be permissible in this and other true songs, for High syllables at various points in the line to be realised on almost any note within the particular "scale" in use, provided that one or more lower notes remain available for the setting of intervening Low syllables. Occasionally, especially at the end of a line, speech-tone requirements may be entirely over-ruled. The descending melodic line which is characteristic of all such Zulu songs gives a suggestion of affinity with the overall downdrift intonation of normal speech, while the iZibongo convention of consistently maintaining the pitch height of High syllables stands in distinct contrast both to song and to normal speech. The use of exaggerated concluding formulae is also peculiar to Izibongo.<br />
<br />
Regarding metre, fundamental distinctions could be cited between practices in song - where length is often distorted mercilessly for metrical ends' - and in Izibongo, where such things as regular "feet" are not to be found, but rather the natural ryhthms of speech.<br />
<br />
Izibongo and song differ further in rate of utterance. An appreciably greater number of words per minute are uttered in recitation than in any true Zulu song. Words, chosen for their imagery, sound and aptness, are the very core of iZibongo. Their pitch setting could be said to be somewhat mechanical, despite the fact that a series of notes is used which resembles a rudimentary musical scale. In song, on the other hand, words often convey little actual meaning. Lyrics generally consist of a few short phrases which are constantly repeated, with occasional interpolations. Musical expression is paramount.<br />
<br />
From this it would seem that <i>Izibong</i> do not fit, conveniently into the category of Zulu song. From the linguistic point of view they constitute a form of speech utterance with its own special form of overall intonation - possibly comparable with forms of "monotonic chant" in other cultures, such as mentioned by George List in a recent article12. From a musical point of view, <i>Izibongo</i> are excessively word-bound, allowing no freedom to Hornbostel's "inborn creative forces" of the melodic nucleus.<br />
<br />
In contrast to this borderline category of musically stylised speech we find the clear prose folk-tale within whicn short crystallised items of true song occur - though tne teller may at times slip almost imperceptibly from tne one medium into the other and back again. In Africa, as elsewhere in the world, the song within the folk-tale often has magical power. In a Xhosa tale from the Cape, the river monster, Sinyobolokondwana, steals the clothes of the twin sisters, Wele and Welekazi, from the river bank while they bathe. One of the sisters manages to get her clothes back from the monster by singing the required song:<br />
. Fig. 3 Xhosa folk-tale song'3<br />
Translation: " Sinyobolokondwana!<br />
Give back my clothes!<br />
Bhakubha is a long way off;<br />
Mother will give me a beating."<br />
<br />
What became of the other sister, who refused to sing properly, is another story. Two transcriptions of this little song have been shown in Fig. 3 - first of an initial recording without any rhytnmical accompaniment, and secondly of anotner recording in which tne singer accompanied herself with regular hand-clapping.<br />
<br />
Singing in Negro Africa very frequently takes place, as we know, against some rhythmical accompaniment - whether this be provided by instruments, dance-steps, hand-clapping, or merely the repetitive movements of some daily task. In such rhythmi- cally accompanied song it has been observed that it seems to be a widespread African habit for word-stresses to fall not on, but between the physical beats.<br />
<br />
A perfectly natural physiological foundation for this suggests itself in the case of work-songs in which heavy muscular effort is called for, or in strenuous acrobatic dancing. It is, of course, an instinctive human reflex to tense the diaphragm and hold the breath, by closing the glottis, at the actual moment of maximum exertion - in tact, even babies do so during defecation. At the actual moment ot this instinctive breath-holding during pushing, lifting, leaping and the like, the emission ot vocal sound of any kind is, of course, impossible. But immediately before or after the moment of exertion - or both before and after it: <i>"buk - - - aaab"</i> - sound of some sort is not only possible, but very probable. A Zulu work-song with the unfortunately all too topical text, "They arrest us!", which is repeated <i>ad infinitum</i>, demonstrates this point clearly. A transcription of the first few lines of this song appears in Fig. 4. The beat, heard as a heavy physical thud whenever it is given expression, always just immediately precedes the beginning of the phrase, during vocal silence.<br />
<br />
Ba-ya-a-si-bo -- pha-, Percussion (thud of shovels) Ba - ya-si-bo - pha - -- etc<br />
Fig. 4 Zulu work-song14<br />
<br />
Among the Zulu and Xhosa peoples of the extreme south-east, instrumental ensembles are not used at all as a basis for dancing. Dancers sing their own dance music and, particularly with Xhosa dance-songs, there is what seems to be a subtly calculated off- beat relationship between word syllables and the regular dance-step and hand-clap rhythm. This may be seen in Fig. 5, as also in the second version or the song referred to earlier in Fig. 3.<br />
<br />
Fig. 5 shows what my informant called a "sour grapes" dance song - which she had heard during wedding celebrations, and which she thought must have been composed by an old maid.<br />
<br />
Fig. 5 Xhosa dance-song15<br />
Translation: "How fortunate I am to be unmarried -<br />
I can still follow my own inclinations!"<br />
<br />
<br />
Here it will be seen that word syllables seldom exactly coincide with a hand-clap, and often fall somewhere between the beats. One gains the impression of a rather loose relationship between words and clapping. This "near miss" relationship is not hap- hazard, however, but seems to be repeated with exactitude with each repetition of the song. My own theory, put forward in an earlier paper,16 is that in Xhosa singing, instead of the best being made to coincide with the release of a consonant - into a vowel, so that the onset of the vowel is on the beat, as is our own practice - it coincides with the initial closing or thrusting movement of the consonant (when this type of consonant occurs) so that the commencement of the vowel invariably occurs later, a little after the beat. This effect appears to be further exploited and exaggerated for stylistic purposes, and closure of the glottis - necessary in strenuous exertion - could, of course, also take place on the beat, during the consonantal closure, if required.<br />
<br />
In passing, it may be ot interest to observe that, in America today, one of the most highly paid singers of "pop" and cabaret songs - with their currently favoured gimmicks of off-beating and deliberately loose word-phrasing-is Miss Miriam Makeba17, a South African of Xhosa extraction, who played the leading role in the original production of the musical, King Kong. This feature of non-coincidence between words and rhythm is, of course, not confined to the Xhosa. Richard Waterman coined the expression "off-beat phrasing of melodic accents in relation to percussion metre"s8 to describe what he found to be a common characteristic in West African music, thousands of miles north of the Xhosa. Apart from this point of similarity, however, there seems to be very little in common between the musical practices of tne West Coast and those of tne extreme soutn-east, where there are no drums or spectacular percussion ensembles.<br />
<br />
Since 1947, an invaluable rallying point for African musical studies has been tne African Music Society and, later, the International Library of African Music, which together have their headquarters near Johannesburg, under the directorship of Mr. Hugh Tracey. The Society issues a journal entitled African Music, and Mr. Tracey has conducted recording expeditions throughout a large part of Africa south of the Sahara. Long-playing discs of the field recordings are available from the International Library.<br />
<br />
Founders of the African Music Society were a handful of white people in Africa who had grown to love indigenous African music and were concerned by the rate at which, in many parts of the country, this was being lost or diluted in the context of rapid social change and under the influence of imported Western styles. Rescue action in the form of a large-scale recording drive was envisaged so that these treasures might be pre- served. Such recordings, it was felt, should be given the chance to compete with foreign music in regional radio programmes and in the record shops. Should the present genera- tion of new African townsmen fail to be impressed, a body of authentic recorded material might still serve to inspire later generations who turn in search of their cultural heritage.<br />
<br />
A "preservationist" attitude towards tradition is by no means widely held by those Africans who have deserted tribalism for a way of life they feel is more suited to the 20th century and who feel that music from their past is out of place. The raison d'etre of many of their traditional musical practices, interwoven as they are with social custom, is no longer provided in town life, or now institutions may pay the piper and hence call a new tune. Under the circumstances, however, they deserve hardly more personal blame than the Western man-in-the-street who relishes only "rock-'n-roll" and the "twist."<br />
<br />
African musicians and scholars there certainly are, however, who do value their indigenous music. The eminent Ghanaian sociologist and ethnomusicologist, Professor J. B. Nketia writes:<br />
<br />
"In contemporary Ghana, old and new forms of folk music exist side by side... For some time there has been a danger of... the older type of folk music being abandoned by literate and urbanised Ghanaians as Ghana gets more and more industrialised. Nationalism, however, is fostering a new pride in our tolk music, and efforts are now being made to preserve or encourage the practice of the best in the older type of folk music throughout the country"x9. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">NOTES: </div><div style="text-align: justify;">(1) For examples of texts with English translation, see E. W. Grant: "The Izibongo of he Zulu Chiefs", Bantu Studies, III, 1928, pp. 203-244. </div><div style="text-align: justify;">(2) Professor of East African Languages, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.<br />
(3) H. F. R. Morris: The Heroic Recitations of the Banyankore, University of London Ph. D. thesis, 1957 (unpublished).<br />
(4) James Stuart reciting: IZibongo !ikaSenZangakhona, Zonophone 4195; IZibongo ZikaSolomoni ka- Dini.ulu, Zonophone 4178, and IZibongo ZikaShaka, Zonophone 4175. (These, among other praises and folk-tales spoken by Stuart, were recorded in 1927) and John Mgadi reciting the I:ibongo of six of the Zulu kings, recorded on Gallotone GE 1001; GE 967, and GE 998.<br />
(5) B. W. Vilakazi: "The Conception and Development of Poetry in Zulu", Bantu Studies, XII, 1938, p. 116. (6) D. Rycroft: "Melodic features in Zulu Eulogistic recitation", African Language Studies, 1, 1960, pp. 60-78. (London: Luzac & Co.).<br />
(7) D. M. Beach: "The Science of Tonetics and its application to Bantu languages", Bantu Studies, II, 1923-6, p. 75.<br />
(8) Diagram reproduced from D. Rycroft: op. cit., p. 67. Recording: Gallotone GE 967.<br />
(9) E. M. von Hornbostel: "African Negro Music", Africa, I, Jan. 1928, p. 31.<br />
(10) Recorded by Hugh Tracey, 1955. Issued on LP disc., "The Sound of Africa" Seies, AMA TR-12 (A, 1). Transcription reproduced from D. Rycroft: op. cit. 2, p. 26.<br />
(11) See: D. Rycroft, "African Music in Johannesburg: African and non-African features", Journal of the International Folk Music Council, XI, 1959, p. 26.<br />
(12) George List: "The Boundaries of Speech and Song", Ethnomusicology, VII, 1, January 1963, pp. 3-6. (13) Singer: Mrs. L. Nongobo Whyman, 1955. Recording: D. Rycroft.<br />
(14) Singer: Mr. R. Kunene, 1959. Recording: D. Rycroft.<br />
(15) Singer: Mrs. L. N. Whyman, 1956. Recording: D. Rycroft.<br />
(16) D. Rycroft: "Stylistic Evidence in Nguni Song", paper at Symposium: Music and History in Africa and Asia, Royal Anthropological Institute, London, 1962.<br />
(17) See, inter a/ia, LP recording "Miriam Makeba Sings", London Records, HA 2332.<br />
(18) Richard Waterman: "African Influence on the Music of the Americas", in Acculturation in the Americas, ed. Sol. Tax, University of Chicago Press, 1952, p. 213.<br />
(19) J. H. Nketia: "Changing Traditions in the Folk Music of Ghana", Journal of the Internat. Folk Music Council, XI, 1959, p. 34. * Khulwane means "big" and may be omitted. N.B.--The notation shows the nearest notes in the diatonic scale.</div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-87061460682170381922011-07-10T23:19:00.000+01:002011-07-10T23:19:46.898+01:00Xhosa Poetry and The Usage of The Word Tribe<div style="text-align: justify;">In the following correspondences are some insights into the nature of Xhosa tribal poetry. <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/09/in-memory-of-william-koyi-xhosa.html">Xhosa</a> as a nguni language is in many respects similar to the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2009/02/what-language-did-ngoni-speak.html">Ngoni language</a>. As noted in a previous post use of words such as <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/list-of-ngoni-words-taken-down-by.html">licansi</a>, lizulu show resemblance of the ngoni language in usage of so many words as isiXhosa. While isiZulu has dropped <i>li</i> or <i>ili</i> the ngoni language spoken in Ntcheu and Mzimba in Malawi and Chipata in Zambia seem to have maintained them just as isiXhosa. The post below focuses on Xhosa tribal poetry which is also similar in many respects with ngoni praise poetry or tribal poetry. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The discussions also focuses on the perceived patronising attitude of the author of an article called <i>Imbongi Nezibongo:</i>The Xhosa Tribal Poetry. To refer to the Xhosa as a tribe is an insult as they are more numerous than most European peoples. I have recently also had problems with the issue of calling the Ngoni as a tribe when the reality is the Ngoni were a nation and controlled a significant portion of present day Malawi. Our paramount chief ought to be called a King and not chief a title the colonialists gave him.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
To the Editor:<br />
Jeff Opland's comments on Xhosa poetry ("Imbongi Nezibongo: The Xhosa Tribal Poet and the Contemporary Poetic Tradition," PMLA, 90, 1975, 185-208) are particularly interesting to the Africanist, but are additionallyan effective reminder to all critics that poetry has its roots in oral tradition and performance. Given the scholarly quality of much of his analysis, I was distressed by his tone and by what he left unsaid. At best, his attitude toward the Xhosa is patronizing, but considering the political realities of South Africa, there are more troubling implications in the manner he treats his material.<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Throughout the article, Opland refers to the "Xhosa tribal poet." When anthropologists define "tribe," "tribal," and "tribesman" clearly, these terms may have value. However, anthropologists are not even in agreement about their meaning, and when amateurs use them loosely, they often reinforce Western stereotypes of non-Western societies. As the title of Moravia's recent book reminds us, one of the most common questions non-Africans ask Africans is "What tribe do you belong to?" The average Westerner sees Africans only as tribesmen (primitive) or de-tribalized (Western) individuals. The point is: both before European contact and today an African might well be a member of a nation or a state rather than a "tribe" in any sense of that word.<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Anthropologically, we might speak of the 3.5 million Xhosa as a nation comprised of several "tribes," but the<br />
complexities of racial stratification in South Africa today make such a distinction useful and important only to the white South African government which continues to impose "tribal" identity on the South African people to consolidate apartheid rule. The black man who would think of himself as South African, or simply African, is reminded of his assigned "tribal" identity by the "pass card" the law requires him to carry. Even if we could accept Opland's use of "tribe," to speak of a "Xhosa tribal" anything would be redundant. Further, nothing in his performer-oriented typology is specific to Xhosa. The Xhosa and the Zulu, both Nguni people sharing a mutually intelligible language, share izibongo (praise poetry). More important, Africans do not speak of "tribes," a term derived from European ways of examining societies. Because Westerners have used the term loosely to categorize Africans, and in a calculating manner to control them, it has become pejorative.<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Were it simply a question of usage, Opland's article would not warrant a sharp critical response. However, the tenor is what we might have expected from a nineteenth-century ethnographer discussing "his" people. Chadwick, whom he quotes, could still talk in the 1930's from an ethnocentric bias about "higher cultures" and "great cultures." Leach, Levi-Strauss, and other contemporary anthropologists have shown how such an attitude is untenable; yet throughout this article we hear reminders that Opland has gone down into the Bantustans (reservations-in a sense, the South African equivalent of our cotton fields) and captured with his<br />
tape recorder the "spontaneous poetry" of a simple folk. His academic colleagues are always referred to by their last names, but Opland patronizingly refers to a young informant as "little Ziyanda" (p. 191), more tellingly to an older man, Wilson Mkhaliphi, as "an illiterate pagan," and then most amazingly refers to him, not simply by his first name, but as "Old Wilson" (p. 191). If Opland were interviewing a contemporary Western poet such as Pablo Neruda, would he describe him as "a proud man who answered my questions in English patiently, carefully, intelligently, and confidently" (p. 199)? We are given an even less liberal view of the African in the stereotypic description of Nelson Mabunu as "a mild, soft-spoken man who wears glasses and seems to be developing a paunch" (p. 196). We would never accept this Time magazine approach to an article on "Donne and Ecclesiastes"; why must we expect anything less in an article on oral literature?<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Finally, Opland acknowledges the very important protest element in the poetry which is now being written, but he does little more. His silence is possibly the result of limitations imposed on him as a scholar working in a pigmentocracy controlled by strict censorship laws. By law, white and black cannot meet on equal terms, so it is startling and speaks well for his ability in the field that his informants even gave him protest lyrics. After all, the consequences for "stirring up trouble" are severe. Over three hundred blacks are under a ban forbidding the printing or performance of their work. Perhaps Opland is trying to protect his informants and not his own position, but whatever his reasons, specific commentary on the social factors that have helped to influence contemporary izibongo are as conspicuously absent as would be lines blacked out by a South African censor.<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Regardless of what the artist or critic feels should be the relationship between art and politics, the pass laws, the Bantustans, and the censor's ink impose a relationship in the South African context. As the Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe has repeatedly pointed out, it is not a question of commitment, but of commitment to what. It is unfortunate that Opland's commitment to the peoples of South Africa appears limited only to a naively romantic view of the "tribal poet" as an endangered species, that it does not extend to a holistic view of the essential problems of a racially stratified society-problems that have helped to shape the poetry no less than they have impinged upon the lives of the people. Mabunu's eloquent izibongo puts questions before Opland that we never see answered:<br />
What do you want me to say, fair-skinned one ...<br />
Why do you want this information,<br />
Information about the people?<br />
When did you begin, men,<br />
To concern yourselves<br />
About the things of the people?<br />
Because the day that the missionaries arrived<br />
They carried a Bible in front,<br />
But they had a breechloaders lung behind.( p. 199)<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There is more abuse than praise in this poem, and until Opland takes full cognizance of this fact he will have<br />
done little to show the West the significance of izibongo in "man's intellectual history."<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">RICHARD PRIEBE<br />
Virginia Commonwealth University<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mr. Opland replies.<br />
Objections to my article are raised under two headings: "the tone and what was left unsaid." Under "tone" Richard Priebe finds offensive my use of the term "tribe" as well as my "patronizing" style. "Tribe" is a term sanctioned by scholarly usage, employed by the ethnographers I have consulted, and, in my experience, free of any derogatory connotations. It is certainly meaningful to the people themselves: for example, considerable<br />
animosity still exists today among certain circles in the Ciskei between the Mfengus and the Rharhabes. Following established practice, I have in my article called such units "tribes" (other Xhosa speaking tribes are mentioned in n. 6); even if no self respecting anthropologist would use the word today, scholars in other disciplines might still find it useful and generally meaningful. Or are we all now to talk of the twelve clans or family bands of Israel?</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
In presenting my informants to my readers I consciously chose to adopt an anecdotal style designed to suggest something of the human relationship that exists between folklorist and performer. If my attitude to my<br />
informants were patronizing, they would hardly tolerate my frequent visits or entertain my questions with patience. No description of any informant could be a stereotype, since each is an individual: my description of Nelson Mabunu, for example, as "a mild, softspoken man who wears glasses and seems to be developing a paunch" is accurate, and was intended to convey the contrast with the "agile and athletic" performer he suddenly and dramatically became during that interview (p. 199).<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Priebe asserts that "the essential problems of a racially stratified society" have "influenced" and "helped to shape" the poetry I describe. This is an interesting hypothesis, one that I would wish Priebe or any other qualified person to develop in a scholarly article: unfortunately, I am not equipped to do it. My interest is in the comparative study of oral literatures, as I thought I made clear in my article. There is much more that can and must be said about the material I present, but I did not feel that this general article was the place for exploring in detail all these interesting and important bypaths. As I said, "In this article many questions have been left unanswered, and many topics have perhaps been treated too summarily. The intention, however, was merely to show the interaction of the different kinds of poets in the Xhosa community, their influence on and relation to one another" (p. 205).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
I confess to being somewhat taken aback by the readiness of American Africanists to criticize adversely anything South African that is not black or banned; their zeal often outpaces their discretion. To cling to the belief that all white South Africans support their government (or that all black South Africans oppose it) is indeed naively romantic, however fashionable or necessary it may be for one's existence as a teacher of African Studies in an American university. I wish to extend a public invitation to Priebe to travel to South Africa and join me in my field work. Perhaps then his view of my article would be more balanced, and perhaps then his scholarly criticism of the material I present would be better informed.<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">JEFF OPLAND<br />
Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies</div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-57903409264907382382011-07-03T13:43:00.004+01:002011-07-03T14:01:32.695+01:00Google Search Results<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br />
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</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1. Oertel, in <i>Lectures on the Study of Language</i>, writes (in the footnote on p. 304): " The effect of taboo on the lexicon of savage tribes deserves further investigation."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bryant, p. 9 of the preface: "... it will be found that the <i>hlonipha</i> speech of the Zulu women has preserved words of the ancient Zulu language now quite obsolete, as well as many other words brought along by them from alien tribes from whom the men in remoter times had taken wives, and which words will now provide much elucidation for the ethnologist when tracing the origin and ancient history of these Zulu people."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">2. When a Zulu word has to be <i>hlonipha'ed</i>, this can be done in three ways (Wg. KG., pp. 143-4):-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">3. A synonym may be substituted for the word to be <i>hlonipha'ed</i>. If a man's name is <i>U-Phepha</i> (from Z. <i>ili-Phepha</i>, " paper," from English " paper "), his wife may use, to indicate " paper ", the word<i> ili-Khasi</i>, " a leaf," instead of <i>ili-Phepha</i>.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">4. A word may be made up to take the place of the word to be <i>hlonipa'ed</i>. For is-Andhla, "hand," may be substituted is-Amu'kelo, literally " that which receives", from Amu'kela, "to receive."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this category of hlonipa words may be put the argot of crime and sorcery. <i>I-nQola yom-Lilo</i>, " fire wagon," is used for "revolver "; cf. English, or, rather, American " smoke wagon." 2 <i>Ili-Phumalimi</i> (<i>ili</i>, prefix; <i>phuma</i>, "go out "; <i>li</i>, prefix; <i>mi</i> from <i>ma</i>, verb, " stand ") = (" the beast " or "game ") "that goes out standing up " is used in the language of sorcerers to denote Europeans, because the houses of white men have doors which enable one to go out upright, while one must go in and out of native huts on all fours.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">5. The word to be <i>hlonipa'ed</i>, after having suffered a phonetic change, may be used for its unchanged form-generally another consonant is substituted for the first consonant of the stem, for instance: <i>tshona </i>may be used as the <i>hlonipa</i> variant of <i>bona</i>.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">6. As it seemed that the <i>hlonipa</i> words of this third category might throw some light on certain click words in the Zulu language, I have picked out the words of this category 1 from the " Vocabulary of the Hlonipa Language of the Zulu Women ", in Bt D., p. 738 f., and arranged them as follows :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(a) A non-click for a non-click.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(b) A click for a non-click (for the inclusion of rr among the clicks, see below, ? 27).</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(c) A click for a click.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(d) A non-click for a click.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In each case the word, together with its <i>hlonipa</i> variant (or variants), is separated from the next one by a semi-colon. The first word given is the word used in the general language, and the following word (or words) the<i> hlonipa</i> variant (or variants).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For the (?) after some words, see below, 12.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">7. Non-click for non-click </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">b for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>hla'kanipha</i>: ba'kanipha; um-Lotha, iNgqumathi, i-Ngqubathi; um-Ntwana : um-Bana.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>b</i> plus another change (or other changes) for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>i-nDhlela : i-Nyatu'ko, i-mBhanu'ko.</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>p</i> or <i>ph</i> plus another change (or other changes) for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>Dhlula : Phunda; Name'ka : Phaqe'ka.</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>t</i> or <i>th</i> for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Khulu: Thulu; i-nKunzi: i-nZe'ka, i-nZetha; 'kwakhe : 'kwate; 'kwakho: 'kwato; 'kwami: 'kwati; shona-: tona.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>nt</i> for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Fa : Nta.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>g</i> for <i>z</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Azi: Agi; Ozela : Ogela ; Za : Ga; Zama : Gama; ili-Zambhane : ili-Gambhane; Zamula : Gamula; ezantsi: egantsi; ili-Ze: ili-Ge; Ze'ka: Ge'ka; ili-Zeze: ili-Geze; um-Zimbha: um-Gimbha; ili-Zinyane: ili-Ginyane; Zwa: Gwa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>g </i>plus another change (or other changes) for non-click, generally z :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Nene: isi-Gege; izolo: igoco; ama-Zolo: ama-Goco (igoco and ama-Goco have c instead of 1 to avoid confusion with igolo ( = ili-Golo) and its pl. ama-Golo).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>k</i> and <i>kh</i> for non-click (owing to Bt's spelling there may be some instances of 'k here, which have escaped my attention- I am not certain of the pronunciation of all the words given.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bt uses <i>k</i> for both <i>k</i>. and <i>'k</i>) :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">phezu: ekhezo; ili-Sela: ili-Kela; um-Sebe: um-Kebe; um- Sipha: um-Kipha; ubu-So: ubu-Ko; Um-Thimbha: um-Kimbha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>k</i> and<i> kh</i> plus another change (or other changes) for nonclick:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bulala: Khilala (i substituted for u, probably to prevent confusion with Khulula) ; Buya : Khiya ; Diliza : Khithiza ; Fumana : Khaphana; Hosha: Khokha; Lila: Khica; um-Sizi: um-Kigi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>nk</i> for non-click, often <i>s</i> or <i>nts</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nDhlu: i-Matshe'ko, i-nKatshe'ko; Esaba: Enkaba; hle:nke; 'kithi: 'kinki; 'kwenu: 'kwenku; Sala: Nkala; ulu-Sebe: ulu-Nkebe ; ili-Sela: ili-Nkela ; ili-Sele ; ili-Nkele ; Senga: Nkenga ; ubu-Senge : ubu-Nkenge ; ulu-Si : ulu-Nki; sibe'kela : Nkibe'kela ; Si'ka: Nki'ka; isi-Sila: isi-Nkila; Sina: Nkina; Sinda: Nkinda; ulu-Singa: ulu-Nkinga; Sitha: Nkitha; Sombhulu'ka: Nkombhulu'ka; Sondela: Nkondela; ili-Su: ili-Nku; ili-Sundu: ili-Nkundu; Thi: Nki; Thwasa: Entshesa, Enkesa; i-nTsele: i-nKele; i-nTsimbhi: i-nKimbhi; i-nTsumpa: i-nKumpa; u-Yise : u-Yinke.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>nk</i> plus another change (or other changes) for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hle'ka : Netsha, Nkesha; ntambhama : nkazama; Siza : Nki'ka; ulu-Sizi: ulu-Nku'ki.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>v</i> for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Va : ili-Bangulo, ili-Vangulo.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>f</i> for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">um-Hla'kuva : um-Hlafuthwa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br />
</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>h </i>for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Banga : Hanga; Duma : Huma; Fa'ka : Ha'ka; Fana :Hana; Khanu'ka: Hanu'ka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>h</i> plus another change (or other changes) for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dabu'ka: Hantsu'ka; Fudumeza : Hadameza; Funa: Hana : Kaka : Haqa ; i-mVu'kuzi : ili-Hunguzi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>j</i> for <i>bh</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bhala: Jala; ili-Bhamuza: ili-Jamuza; um-Bhaqanga: um-Jaqanga; Bheda : Jeda ; ili-Bheshu : ili-Jeshu; Bhidhli'ka : Jidhli'ka; Bhina: Jina; Bhoboza: Joboza; ili-Bhodhlela : ili-Jodhlela ; ulu-Bho'ko : ulu-Jo'ko; ili-Bhulu'kwe: ili-Julu'kwe; Bhuqa : Juqa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>j </i>plus another change (or other changes) for <i>bh</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bhebha: Jeja; ulu-Bhici: ulu-Jixhi; Bhobhoza: Jojoza; Bhubha : Juja; isi-Bhumbe : isi-Junge.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>tsh</i> for<i> b</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Bandhla : ili-Tshandhla; um-Bani: um-Tshani; banzi: tshanzi; Bingelela : Tshingelela; Bona : Tshona; Bona'kala: Tshona'kala; Bonga: Tshonga; isi-Bongo: isi-Tshongo; ub-Oya: utsh-Oya; Bu'ka: Tshu'ka; Buna: Tshuna; Bunga: Tshunga; Busa: Tshusa; Butha: Tshutha; ili-Butho: ili-Tshutho; obula: otshula; 'kwabo: 'kwatsho; yebo: yetsho.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>tsh</i> plus another change for <i>b</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">u-Baba : u-Tshatsha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>ntsh</i> for <i>b:</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ama-Bomu : ama-Ntshomu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>nj </i>for <i>mbh</i> :--</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ambhula : Anjula; i-mBhabala : i-nJabala; i-mBhobo: i-nJobo; i-mbhongolo: i-nJongolo; i-mBhube: i-nJube; i-Mbho: i-Njo; Mbhoza : Njoza.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>sh</i> for <i>ph</i> :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Aphula : Ashula ; lapha-ya : lasha-ya ; Ophula : Oshula ; Pha : Sha ; ulu-Phahla :ulu-Shahla ; Pha'ka: Sha'ka ; Pha'kama: Sha'kama; phandhle: shandhle; Phanye'ka: Shanye'ka ; Phela : Shela ; Pheza: Sheza; Phila: Shila; Phoqa: Shoqa; Phosa: Shosa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>sh</i> plus another change (or other changes) for <i>ph</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Phambhana: Shanjana ; phambhili: shanjili; Phaphama:Shashama; ulu-Phaphe : ulu-Shashe; Phinda : Shinga.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>tsh</i> for<i> ph</i> :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">pha'kathi : tsha'kathi; Phehla : Tshehla.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>ntsh</i> for <i>ph</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Opha: Ontsha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>ntsh</i> for <i>mp</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">impela : intshela ; i-mPahla : i-ntShahla ; i-mPandhla : i-ntShandhla; i-mPethu: i-ntShethu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>j</i> for <i>g</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Gade : ili-Jade; ili-Goda: ili-Joda ; Godhla: Jodhla; Godu'ka : Jogu'ka ; ili-Golo : ili-Jolo.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>j</i> plus another change for<i> h</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hambha : Janga.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">nj for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nGozi: i-nJozi; ubu-Longwe: ubu-Name'ko, ubu-Njame'ko.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>nj</i> plus another change for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nDoda: i-nJonga; i-nKonkoni: i-nJongoni.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>sh</i> for <i>kh</i> :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Khalima : Shalima ; isi-Khathi: isi-Shathi; Khwehlela:Shwehlela; um-Khomo: um-Shomo ; um-Khondo: um-Shondo; Khonza: Shonza; Khothama: Shothama; um-Khuba : um-Shuba; Khuhla: Shuhla; Khuluma: Shuluma; isi-Khumbha:isi-Shumbha; um-Khumbhi: um-Shumbhi; Khumu'ka: Shumu'ka; isi-Khundhla : isi-Shundhla; Khuza: Shuza; ili-Khwapha:ili-Shwapha; ubu-Khwe: ubu-Shwe; Khweza: Shweza.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">sh for th :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">'kwethu: 'kweshu; Phuza: Matha, Masha; Thembha:Eshembha; isi-Thembhu: isi-Shembhu; Thola: Shola; Thuma:Shuma; ulu-Thuthu: ulu-Shushu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">sh plus another change (or other changes) for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Amu'ka : Ashuxa (?); ili-Khanka : ili-Shantsha; Khipha:Shisha; Khokha: Shosha; Lingana: Shi'kana.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>tsh</i> for <i>kh</i> :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Khala: ili-Tshala; Khawu'ka: Tshawu'ka; Khononda:Tshononda; um-Khosi: um-Tshosi; isi-Khwama: isi-Tshwama; Khwela: Tshwela.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">tsh for k :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">u-Makoti: u-Matshoti.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>tsh</i> for <i>th</i> :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">thina: tshina; Thu'ka: Tshu'ka; Thula: Tshula.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>tsh</i> for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is-Adhla : is-Atsha; Hleba : Tsheba; ili-Liba: ili-Tshiba.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ntsh for non-click:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">de: ntshwe; edwa: entshwa; Hila: Hintsha; i-nKala: inTshala; Khalipha: Nishalipha; Khokha: Ntshokha; :Kholwa: Ntsholwa; Khule'ka: Ntshule'ka; Khumbhula: Ntshumbhula ; 'kodwa: 'kontshwa; i-nKosana: i-nTshosana; i-nKosi: i-nTshosi; lodwa: lontshwa; mpofu: ntshofu; ngedwa: ngentshwa; odwa: ontshwa; The'kela : Entshe'kela; Thena: Ntshena; Tho'koza: Ntsho'koza; Thusa: Ntshusa; i-nTo: i-nTsho; wedwa: wentshwa; Xabana: Hingana, Hintshana; yedwa: yentshwa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ntsh plus another change (or other changes) for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">u-Khokho : u-Ntshotsho; i-nKonkoni: i-nTshontshoni; u-Nkonka: u-Ntshontsha; i-nTethe: i-nTsheshe; isi-Thwathwa: isi-Ntshwantshwa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">m for ng :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nGane: i-Mane; 'kanga'ka : 'kama'ka ; um-Ngoma: um-Moma.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">m plus another change for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nKonkoni: i-Moboni; nga'ka : masha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">n for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Akha: Ana; Bala: Nala; Bonga: Nonga; Fa'kaza: Na'kaza; um-Fazi: um-Nazi; isi-Gaba: isi-Naba; ili-Gatsha: ili-Natsha; um-Hawu: um-Nawu ; Hawu'kela : Nawu'kela ; Hlela :- Nela; Hlephu'ka: Nephu'ka; um-Hlola: um-Nola; Jabha: Nabha; Jabula: Nabula; Jiya: Niya; i-nJobo: i-Nobo; ulu-Jovela: ulu-Novela; ili-Juba: ili-Nuba; ili-Jwabu: ili-Nwabu; Kholwa: Nolwa; Khombha: Nombha; um-Khuba: um-Nuba; Khule'ka : Nule'ka; Khuluma: Nuluma; Khwela: Nwela; i-nKonjane: i-Nonjane; njalo: nalo; njani: nani; njenga: nenga; Ntshinga: Ninga; ili-Shiyi: ili-Niyi ; Sho : No ; ili-Shoba: ili-Noba; Sola : Nola; ulu-Thango : ulu-Nango ; Tho'koza : No'koza; Tshele'ka : Enele'ka; Ya: Na.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">n with another change (or other changes) for non-click : i-mBabala : i-Nantshala; Bambha : Nanga; ulu-Bambho : ulu-Nango; Hle'ka: Netsha; Joja: Nona; u-Khokho: u-Nono; Mamathe'ka: Nanashe'ka; Sebenza: Nebenda; Shesha: Nena;i-nTliziyo : i-Ningiyo; ili-Tshe'ketshe : ili-Ne'kene; ili-Vezamanzi: ili-Nezimada; Zuza : Nuna.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">nw for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ulu-Andhle : ulu-Nwange ; Hlwabusa : Nwabusa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ny for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nDebe : i-nTshezo, i-Nyezo; isi-Godhlo : isi-Nyodhlo; Hambha :Nyambha; ulu-Khambha : ulu-Nyambha; i-Mambha: i-Nyambha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ny with another change (or other changes) for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">u-Dade: u-Nyaze; Hlabelela: Nyibelela.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">y for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bona: Yona; Bona'kala: Yona'kala; um-Fazi: um-Yazi; Funda: Yunda; Thezu'ka: Yezu'ka; um-Thezu'ka: um-Yezu'ka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">y with another change for hl :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Hlobo : isi-Yoco.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">8. Click for non-click</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">c and ch for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ahlu'kana: Acu'kana; Ahlula: Acula; Ala: Aca; Alu'ka: Acu'ka; Alusa: Aluca; ili-Bhantshi: ili-Cantshi; Bingelela: Cingelela; Bonda: Conda; Elama: Ecama; Elapha: Ecapha; Ele'ka: Ece'ka; Ena: Echa; Ene'ka: Ece'ka; Eyisa: Ecisa; Fa'kaza: Ca'kaza; Fe'ketha: Ce'ketha; Fisa: Cisa; ili-Fu: ili-Cu ; Fudumeza : Hadameza, Chadameza ; Fu'kamela : Cu'kamela ; Fulathela: Culathela; Fulela: Culela ; Funda :Cunda; Funga : Cunga ; Fuphi: Cuphi; Futhi: Chuthi, Cuthi; Fuya: Cuya; ili-Catsha: ili-Natsha, ili-Naca; Gijima: Gicima; Hlafuna: Cafuna; Hla'kaza: Ca'kaza ; um-Hla'kuva: um-Ca'kuva; ulu-Hlangothi: ulu-Cangothi; isi-Hlava: isi-Cava; Hlawula: Cawula; Hleba: Ceba; ili-Hlobo: ili-Cobo; isi-Hlobo: isi-Cobo; Hlola: Cola; Hloma: Choma; ulu-Hlomo: ulu-Chomo; Hlubu'ka: Cubu'ka; Hluma: Cuma; ubu-Hlungu: ubu-Cungu; Hlupha: Cupha; Hluphe'ka: Cuphe'ka; ulu-Hlupho : ulu-Cupho; Huba: Cuba; hlwa: cwa; ulu-Hlwayi: ulu-Cwayi; kusihlwa: kusicwa; ulu-La'ka: ulu-Ca'ka; Lala: Giyama, Ciyama; isi-Lalo: isi-Giyamo, isi-Ciyamo; um-Lamu: um-Camu; Landela: Candela; Lawula: Cawula; ulu-Lembhu: ulu-Cembhu; Lenga: Cenga; Letha: Cetha; Libala: Cibala; Linga: Cinga; um-Lobo'kazi: um-Cobo'kazi; um-Lozi: um-Cozi; Lunga: Cunga; ili-Lunga: ili-Cunga; Lwa: Cwa; isi-Lwana'kazana: isi-Cana- 'kazana; Mangala: Cangala; mnene: mchene; u-Mona: u-Moca; Na'ka : Cha'ka; i-Nala: i-Chala; Namathela : Chamathela; i-Nanzi: i-Canzi; isi-Nene: isi-Chene; Nenga: Cenga; Netha:Chetha; Ni'ka: Chi'ka; u-Nina: u-China; i-Ningizimu: i-Chingizimu; um-Nini: um-Chini; Nona : Chona ; ili-Noni: ili-Choni; ili-Nono: ili-Chono; Notha: Chotha; Ntula: Chula; um-Numzana: um-Chumzana; umu-Nwe: umu-Chwe; ulu-Nya: ula-Cha; i-Nya'katho: i-Cha'katho; u-Nyawothi: u-Chawothi; nye : chwe; isi-Nye: isi-Che; Ona : Ocha; Ozela: Ocela; pha'kathi: cha'kathi; Phela: Chela; Pheza: Cheza; ili-Sela: ili-Cela; ulu-Selwa: ulu-Celwa; Shu'ka: Cu'ka; ili-So'ka: ili-Co'ka; ulu-Su: ulu-Cu; Sula: Cula; Sutha: Cutha; Swela: Cwela; Thoba: Choba; ili-Thwabi: ili-Chwabi; Tshela: Cela; Vuma: Chuma; Ye'ka: Che'ka; um-Yeni: um-Cheni; Yovula: Chovula ; Zuza : Cuca.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">c and ch plus another change (or other changes) for a non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">u-Baba: u-Caca; isi-Hlabathi: isi-Cangathi; ili-Hlahla: iii-Caca; Hla'kanipha: Cha'kanisha; um-Hlandhla: um-Cangca; ulu-Hlaza: ulu-Cwambha; Mema: Ceca; Minyana: Cinana; mnandi: mncayi; Phendula: Chengula; ili-Sango: ili-Cha'ko; Senga: Che'ka; ulu-Swazi: ili-Thambho, ili-Cabo; Thethelela: Cecelela ; ili-Thumbha : ili-Chusha ; Vambhulula : Cunulula ; Yala: Caya.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">gc for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ulu-Bhishi: ulu-Gcishi ; Du'ka : Gcu'ka ; endhle : egce ; umu-Hla umu-Gca; um-Hlola: um-Gcola; umu-Nga: umu-Gca; Vama: Gcama; Veza: Gceza; Vunda: Gcunda; Vuthwa: Gcuthwa; Zonda : Gconda.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">gc plus another change for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Donda : Gcongca ; u-Zagiga : u-Zagcigca.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">nc for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Biza: Longa, Nconga; Enda: Enca; im-Fene: i-Ncene; ili-Fu : ili-Ncu ; i-mFuyo : i-Ncuyo ; Fuza : Ncuza ; isi-Ga : isi-Nca; isi-Khathi: isi-Ncathi; Khononda: Ncononda; Khonza: Nconza; um-Khovu : um-Ncovu; um-Khumbhi : um-Ncumbhi; isi-Khwama : isi-Ncwama; Shona: Ncona; Shumayela: Ncumayela ; ili-Thumbhu: ili-Ncumbhu; i-nTlanzi: i-nCwambhi, i-nCanzi; inTloni: i-nConi; i-nTlonze: i-nConze; i-nTlunu: i-nCunu; i-mVubu : i-nCubu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">nc plus another change (or other changes) for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Babaza: Ncamaza; isi-Dwaba: isi-Ncwasha; ili-Dwala: ili-Ncwasha ; i-mFene: i-nDangala, i-nCa'kala ; i-nTothoviyane : i-nCocoviyane.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">c for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Anda, Angca; Azi: Angci; Dhla: Ngca; Dhlala: Ngcala; Dumaza: Ngcumaza; u'kw-Indhla: u'kw-Ingca; i-mPi: i-Ngci; Shaya: Ngcaya; um-Shayo : um-Ngcayo ; Shinga: Ngcinga ; Vutha: Ngcutha; i-mVuzi: i-nGcuzi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ngc plus another change (or other changes) for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Da'kwa: Ngcashwa; Dela: Ngcesha; um-Khuhlane: um-Nyimbhane, um-Ngcishane; i-nTlahla : i-nGcagca.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">q, qh, nq, and ngq for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dhlula: Ngqula; Du'ka: Nqu'ka; Hlangana: Qingana; Pha'kama : Qo'kama; Phe'ka : Nitha, Qitha; Thimula : Qhimula; Thinta: Qhinqa; i-nTuthu: i-nTunqa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">x, xh, gx, for non-click :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Bhanga: ili-Xhanga; um-Bango: um-Xhango; ili-Bhotwe: ili-Xhotwe; Hluza : .Xuza; Hona : Xona; umu-Hlwa : umu-Xwa ; Jabha : Gxabha; Jabula : Gxabula; Jwayela : Exwayela; Phezu : Xhezu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">x with another change for j :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jwayela : xwabela.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">nx or ngx for nj :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nDoda: i-nJeza, i-Nxeza; njalo: ngxalo; njani: ngxani; nje : ngxe; njenga: ngxenga.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">rr for d (rr is not a click, but see below, ? 27):-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dweba : Rrrwebha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">9. Click substituted for non-click in addition to the first substitution The words in this section will be found above, in ? 7, in the proper place for the first substitution.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">c (plus first substitution) for non-click :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Hlobo: isi-Yoco; izolo: igoco; Lila : Khica; isi-Lilo :isi-Khico; ama-Zolo: ama-Goco.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">q (plus first substitution) for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kaka: Haqa; Name'ka: Phaqe'ka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">x (plus first substitution) for non-click:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Amu'ka: Ashuxa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">10. Click for Click</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">c for q :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bo'ka : Qitha, Citha; ili-Nqe: ili-Che ; isi-Nqe: isi-Che ; Nqena : Chena; i-Nqulu: i-Chulu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">xh,ngx for c, nc :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ulu-Bhici : ulu-Jixhi (see above, ? 7, under "j plus another change (or other changes) for bh ") ; Ncenga : Ngxenga ; Ncinda : Ngxinda; Ncinza : Ngxinza.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">x, gx, xh, ngx for q, gq, qh, nq, ngq :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Eqa : Exa; Gqo'ka : Gxo'ka; ili-Gqubu : ili-Gxubu; u-Ngoqo : u-Ngogxa; i-Ngqa'kala: i-Ngxa'kala; i-Ngqondo : i-Ngxondo; Nqaba : Ngxaba; Nqanda : Ngxanda; isi-Nqe : isi-Ngxe; Nquma : Ngxuma; Qabu'ka: Xabu'ka; Qambha: Xambha; Qaphela: Xaphela; Qatha : Xatha; Qephula : Xephula; qha : xha; Qhama : Xhama; isi-Qhova: isi-Xhova; Qhuba: Xhuba; Qina: Xina; Qinisa: Xinisa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">11. Non-click for click (for the words followed by (?) see ? 12 below)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">b for q :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Qunga : isi-Bunga ; Nqunu : Bhushu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">p for q:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Name'ka : Phaqe'ka (see above, ? 7, under "ph plus another change (or other changes) for non-click ").</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ng for ngc :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nGcosana : i-nGoshana.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">tsh for c :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ceba : Tsheba (?); Cwe : Tshwe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">n for c :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is-Angco'kolo: is-Ano'kolo; Chuma: Numa; ulu-Cingo; ulu-Ningo (?) ; isi-Chotho : isi-Nontshe ; isi-Coco : isi-Nono ; Cwazimula : Nazimula (?); Cweba: Nentsha; Cwenga : Nwenga (?) ; i-Nce'ku :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-Ne'ku.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">n for q, gq, q4:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Gqo'ko : isi-No'ko ; Qaphela : Naphela ; Qephula : Nephula (?) ; ili-Qhawe : ili-Nawe ; Qholisa : Nothisa ; Qhuba : Nuba ; Qumbha : Numbha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">n for x:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xe'ka: Ne'ka; Xhuma: Numa (?); Xova: Nova; um-Xu'ku : um-Nu'ku; Xwaya : Nwaya.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">12. The clicks are foreign elements in Z. The click words in ? 11, having a non-click hlonipa variant, may, then, be :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(a) Click words borrowed from the Hottentot-Bushman languages, or</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(b) Click<i> hlonipa</i> words which have usurped the place of the original word and then are <i>hlonipa'ed</i> by the original non-click word, or by a non-click hlonipa variant of the original word, or, possibly, by a nonclick hlonipa variant of the click word; it is improbable that there would be many cases of the last possibility, for ? 10 has shown the prevalence of click hlonipa variants for click words. The following may explain some of the forms with a (?) above :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The original both of Ceba and Tsheba is Hleba.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ulu-Cingo, from "Ur-Bantu" linga (Mf HLW., p. 729)-the "Ur-Bantu " form is not now found in Z. Ulu-Ningo may as well be the hlonipa variant of the original word as of the click word.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Cwazimula took as a hlonipa word the place of Nyazimula or Phazimula,1 meaning "to lighten"; then its meaning became differentiated from that of Nyazimula and changed to "to shine ".</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nyazimula, then, may be the hlonipa variant either of the original Phazimula or of Cwazimula in its present sense. [Cf. Nyanja ng'azimira (ijazimira).]</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The original both of Qephula and Nephula is Hlephula (probably from Dabula, see Dabu'ka, ? 15).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xhuma means "to jump ". I do not know whether it has any etymological connexion with zuma or juma, which means "to take by surprise "-as by springing upon an enemy from an ambush.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">13. The hlonipa word, as to meaning, is synonymous with the original word, with this reservation: the original word means something, the hlonipa word means that same something plus the implication that the speaker has such an attitude to the original word that he dare not, or does not wish, to utter it. Besides such hlonipa click words as those given above in ? 9, which yield priority to the original word, there are other click words which are like the hlonipa click words in that they have substituted a click for a non-click in the original word, but are unlike the hlonipa click words in that either they have usurped the place of the non-click word, or they subsist beside it, with a differentiated meaning. Jn (Jn CS., v. ii, p. 90) cannot explain how the clicks came into the Z. language. Mf gives on p. 729 of Mf HLW. instances of words whose clicks he cannot account for. (See also Wr LF., p.129.) Nearly all the Kafir (Xosa) words whose clicks Mf cannot explain, are also found in Z. I think that the clicks</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">768 C. U. FAYEcame</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">into these particular words for hlonipa purposes (? 21). In the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">following, instances of click words, which have come into the language</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">as hlonipa variants of the third category (? 5), are given. All those given</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">by Mf (Mf HLW., p. 729), which I have recognized as being also Z.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">words, I have included, putting (Mf) before them. I have divided them</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">into the two classes indicated above: those which have usurped the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">place of the non-click word, and those which persist beside the nonclick</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">word with a differentiated meaning.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">14. Click words which have usurped the place of the non-click word</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the click c :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Cima, same as " Ur-Bantu " lima (ndima), Mf HLW., p. 729.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Consa from Thonsa (Mf HLW., p. 729). The verb Thonsa</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is now obsolete in Z., but the stem is found in the noun ili-Thonsi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Cwazimula, see above, ? 12.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Cafuna, see above, ? 8.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) ulu-Cingo, see above, ? 12.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) um-Cebi, noun from Ceba, see ? 12.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Cwila has supplanted Gwila (MVHf LW., p. 729). Gwila is</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">not found in Z. now.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Catulo, " shoe," connected with Nyathela, " to tread." Found</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">also in Xosaas (Mf) isi-Qathulo.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the click q :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) ili-Qanda, same as Swahili ganda (Mf HLW., p. 729).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Nqa'ka, same as Swahili nyaka (Mf HLW., p. 729).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Qongqothas, ame as Swahili gogota (Mf HLW., p. 729).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qhotha, same as Herero kota (Bt D.), found also in Xosa with</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">suffix: (Mf) qotama, same as Herero kotama (Mf HLW., p. 729) and</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Z. Khothama.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Qiniso, " truth," has supplanted i-Nyaniso, now obsolete (but</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">see ? 25). i-Nyaniso is not found in Bt D. and Sa. D., but it is given in</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Co. D. and Dh. D. The literal meaning of the verb u'ku-Qina is " to</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">be hard, fast "; hence the Z. idea of " truth ", as expressed in ili-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qiniso, may be compared with that of the Hebrews, as expressed in</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" Amen ".</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Qhwa, "ice," has supplanted a form which may have been</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Khwa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the click x:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Xhophe connected with ulu-Khophe (Mf HLW., p. 729).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Xhaphazela, same as Kaphazac plus suffix (Mf HLW., p. 729).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kaphaza is now obsolete in Zulu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE INFLUENCE OF "HLONIPA )) ON THE ZULU CLICKS 769</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xosha, same as Ganda Goba (Bt D.). B often becomes sh.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With rr :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Rraya, same as Congo Kaya (Bt D.).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Rrela, same as the obsolete verb Hela, from which the noun ili-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hele is formed.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">15. Click words subsisting, with a differentiated meaning, beside</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the original non-click words.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Mf) Gcwalisa, " to fill up." Zalisa, " to cause to bear children,"</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">causative form of Zala, "to bear children." 1</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Chuthe, " one whose ear lobes have not been pierced." Isi-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Putha, " a dull-witted person whose ears are closed to reason." See</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">under isi-Chuthe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Chela, " to pour ceremonially, to asperse." Thela, " to pour."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qala, "to begin." Dala, " to create."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qeda, " finish." This must be formed from the Lala feda. The</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Z. form of feda is feza (Wg. KG., p. 643, Z. z = Lala t). Feza means</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" to complete ". Qeda may be used of finishing anything: a plate of</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">porridge, a task-anything. Feza could be used of completing a task,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">but not of finishing a plate of porridge. It is clear that the click word,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">qeda, was adopted from the Lala tongue. This word can be used to</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">support the contention that the Zulus got the clicks, not immediately</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">from the H.-B., but mediately through other B.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qhuma, " to pop, explode." Duma, " to thunder, reverberate."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The variants of Dabu'ka are interesting :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dabu'ka, " to get torn, as a garment; crack, as an earthen vessel;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">be torn with grief; get broken out into being, spring forth into life,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">as new grass ; originate, as a tribe " (Bt D.).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hlephu'ka, "to be or get chipped, cut; have a portion separated</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">off or otherwise removed, as an earthen pot, piece of cloth, land, herd</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of cattle, etc." (Bt D.).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gqabu'ka, " get broken, as a string or similar object by pulling;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">get broken off, as anything like a button, affixed by strings ... expire,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">breathe one's last " (the lungs being supposed to get broken off from</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">their place and so breathing to cease) (Bt D.).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gqashu'ka, same as gqabu'ka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 These words are possibly connected, but I am inclined to think that zala, "</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">bring</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">forth," and zala, " be full," are distinct roots. The former is in Swahili zaa, the latter</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">jaa. Meinhof suggests as the original forms Vyala (cf. Mombasa Swahili vyaa) and</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Yala respectively. One might be inclined to suppose that the form gcwala (the more</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">usual in Zulu) gained currency through a desire to distinguish it from the other zala.-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A. W.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">770 c. U. FAYEQashu'ka,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">same as gqabu'ka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gqibu'ka, same as gqabu'ka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qabu'ka, " have the first experience of anything " (see the last</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">meaning of Dabu'ka).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Rrebu'ka, " get torn or rent, as a piece of cloth."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xebu'ka, "get stripped or peeled off, as plaster from a wall or</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">bark from a tree."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xephu'ka, same as Rrebhu'ka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The c click is also used with the stem of this word:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">isi-Cephu, " a small sitting mat," is formed from isi-Hlephu (see</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hlephu'ka above), meaning " anything from which a portion has been</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">removed ". Presumably isi-Cephu came to be used of a small sitting</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">mat in the manner as a short man is sometimes vulgarly called</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" a sawed-off specimen of humanity ".</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">16. Conclusions relative to " hlonipa " words</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The words cited in the following paragraphs will be found in</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bt D., either in the list of hlonipa words at the end (p. 738 f.) or in</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the body of the Dictionary.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">17. General conclusions as to " hlonipa " words.-In the above</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">lists, hlonipa words of the third category (? 5) only have been treated.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Though words of this category are the ones most frequently used,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">it must be remembered that words of the first (? 3) and second (? 4)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">categories also are regularly used.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A Zulu word may have more than one hlonipa variant (see Bt D.,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">p. 738 f.), and the variants may be of the same or different categories.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bt D., p. 744, gives ten hlonipa variants for ama-Nzi, " water "-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">these ten do not exhaust the list. Enda has the variant Enca (? 8,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">under nc) of the third category, and the synonym, Gana, of the first</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">category. Ili-Khala, " nose," has the variant ili-Tshala, of the third</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">category (? 7, under tsh for kh), and also a variant of the second</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">category: i-mPumulo, from Phuma, "to go out" = " that which</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">sticks out."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">18. Foreign words, after adoption, are treated like native words:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">they may be hlonipa'ed, or they may be used for hlonipaing other</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">words.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Examples of foreign words " hlonipa'ed"</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ili-Bhantshi, " coat," from Du. baatje, is hlonipa'ed by ili-Cantshi</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(g 8, under c and ch for non-click).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE INFLUENCE OF '. HLONIPA" ON THE ZULU CLICKS 771</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Bhulu'kwe, "trousers," from Du. broek, is hlonipa'ed by. ili-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Julu'kwe (? 7, underj for bh).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Examples of foreign words used as " hlonipa" ' words</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nDali, from Du. vendutie, is used as hlonipa variant of i-Mali.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The natives began to use it thus, probably because it sounded like a</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">third-category variant of i-Mali.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">um-Miliso, from the South African (Du. and Eng.) word for</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" maize ",1 spelled " mealies " in Eng. This word is used to hlonipa</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the Z. u-Mbhila, " maize." Probably popular etymology connected</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">it with the verb Mila, " to grow " ; hence um-Miliso =" that which</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">has been caused to grow, crops." The staple crop is maize. To the.best</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of my knowledge um-Miliso is used solely of " maize ", and never</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">as an exact equivalent of " crops ". A Zulu unacquainted with the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Du. or Eng. word would think um-Miliso was a hlonipa word of the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">second category.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">19. The form of " hlonipa " words of the third category</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(a) A word may be hlonipa'ed by more than one non-click word of</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the third category-this is not usual. Khuluma has as variants Nuluma</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">and Shuluma (? 7, under "n for non-click" and " sh for kh ").</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(b) A word may be hlonipa'ed by a non-click as well as by a click</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">word of the third category-this is not infrequent.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Azi is hlonipa'ed by Agi (? 7) and by Angci (? 8).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jabha is hlonipa'ed by Nabha (? 7) and by Gxabha (? 8).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(c) A word may be hlonipa'ed by more than one click word of the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">third category. Du'ka is hlonipa'ed by Gcu'ka and Nqu'ka (? 8).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Zulu negative particle nga, " not," was, perhaps, formerly</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">used like the English " No ". Old-fashioned Zulus still use the plural</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of this particle, ama-Nga,2 for " No ". The words now in use for " No ",</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qha and Cha, came into being, I think, as hlonipa variants of Nga.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xha is now used as the hlonipa form. If all these click forms are variants</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">originating from Nga, then Nga is ultimately responsible for three click</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">variants: Cha, Qha, and Xha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bt D., under Qha: " .. . qha is probably only a variation of the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">adverb nga,' not.' " Here, among similar forms from other languages,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is given the Yao nga. Mf VG., p. 79, gives ka, nka as a negative particle</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">in " Ur-Bantu ". Jn CS., v. ii, p. 517: " Negation is indicated ...</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">by Ka-(Ga-) with its variants.. ."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 Originally from Portuguese milko.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">2 Is the noun ama-nga, meaning</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" a lie ",'a secondary use of this word ?-A. W.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">772 C. U. FAYEDabu'ka,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">with its many click hlonipa variants (? 15), may also be</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">cited as an instance of a word hlonipa'ed by several click words of the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">third category.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">20. Concerning the substitutions in the third category of " hlonipa "</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">words, Bt D., under Hlonipa, has:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">".. . For there are not only a very large number of fixed and</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">distinct hlonipa words, but, by certain universally accepted rules of</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">transmutation, any word in the language may be so changed in its</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">prohibited particle as to lose all identity with the 'respected' name</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">and so become itself a hlonipa word. Thus alusa may become axusa;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">or komba, nomba . . ." (Italics mine.)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">According to Mf HLW., p. 743, B. k became hl, which under certain</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">circumstances became s; this change appears to have been quite</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">regular with B. rY, which almost always became z.1 (Cf. Jn CS., v. ii,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">p. 91.) In many hlonipa substitutions this is reversed: z, s, nts, in the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ordinary word, become g, 'k, k, kh, nk, in the hlonipa variants, see ? 7.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hence the original B. consonant may be found in the hlonipa variant</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of the ordinary word. In some cases the change might make the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">hlonipa word resemble the B. word more closely than the ordinary</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">word does; in other cases it might not do so. The point, however,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is that there has remained in the linguistic consciousness (or subconsciousness-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">if I may so express myself) a feeling that the consonants</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">in question are interchangeable.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The favourite substitutions in present day Z.-or to be quite</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">accurate, during the period of more than twelve years during which</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bt collected the material for his Dictionary (Bt D., p. 5 of preface),</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">published in 1905--are :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">g, 'k, kh, k, nk, for z, s, nts.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">j, tsh, nj, sh, ntsh for bh, b, mb(h), ph, mp(h), d, th, 'k, kh.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">n seemingly for any consonant.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Clicks :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">c, in various combinations, seemingly for any consonant.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">q is used less than the other clicks.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">rr seems now to have dropped out of the ranks of hlonipa</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">substitutes. For its inclusion among the clicks, see ? 26.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 This seems to bq somewhat over-stated, if meant to apply to Zulu, as we have</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">endhle, indhlala, indhlela, indhlovu (it is true that dhl, which here represents Meinhof's y,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">appears in other Bantu languages as z), and also inyoka, anya, inyongo, inyoni, etc.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">See Meinhof, Lautlehre, pp. 221-3.-A. W.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE INFLUENCE OF "cHLONIPA " ON THE ZULU CLICKS 773</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">x is used generally to hlonipa other clicks.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">c is used seldom to hlonipa other clicks.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">q is used not at all to hlonipa other clicks.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The use of non-clicks for clicks is negligible except in the case of n,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of the use of which, as a substitute- for a click, there are several</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">instances (? 11).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hlonipa words of the third category are usually formed by substituting</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">another consonant for a consonant in the ordinary word.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Usually the first consonant of the stem of the word to be tabooed is</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">changed. Sometimes other changes take place as well. If the consonant</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">suffering change is repeated in the following syllable, the change is</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">generally repeated-thus both the b's in u-Baba become tsh, its</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">hlonipa variant being u-Tshatsha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">21. The survival of " hlonipa " words.-What is to be tabooed is</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the distinctive sound, usually, in the name of a superior, the stem.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Inferiors hlonipa the name of a superior by avoiding the utterance of</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">this sound, and sometimes even of sounds like it (see below, ? 23, in the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">discussion of the name Shaka). As generally women are the inferiors,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the custom affects them most, particularly the married women, who</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">have to hlonipa also their husbands and certain of their husbands'</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">relatives. ". . . Among the Zulus " the hlonipa custom "touches</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">mainly the married women, although as exceptional cases, the men,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">or indeed the whole tribe indiscriminately, may hlonipa the name of</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">a renowned chief or ancestor .. ." (Bt D., under Hlonipa).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The position, with regard to the survival of hlonipa words, is</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">succinctly stated in J. L., p. 431 :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" ... There was another reason for the richness of the vocabulary</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of primitive man: his superstition about words, which made him</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">avoid the use of certain words under certain circumstances . . .</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Accordingly, in many cases he had two or more sets of words for exactly</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the same notions, of which later generations as a rule preserved only one,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">unless they differentiated these words by utilizing them to discriminate</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">objects that were similar but not identical." (Italics mine.)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">That is to say, a hlonipa word may survive in two ways :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(1) It may take the place of the original word-that is if it survives</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">as an exact synonym; or</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(2) It may survive beside the original word, in which case the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">meanings will be differentiated.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As hlonipa words of the first two categories already have their own</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">meanings-which they are not likely to exchange for that of the word</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">774 C. U. FAYEthey</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">are variants of-this discussion applies chiefly to words of the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">third category.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">22. The hlonipa variants themselves may become taboo, then they,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">too, are hlonipa'ed. It sometimes happens that those hlonipaing a</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">hlonipa variant will use the original word-thus bringing it to life again.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">See quotation from Bt D., above, ? 1.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">23. " Hlonipa '" words that supersede the original words.-These</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">are of two kinds : (a) such as supersede the original word, because the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">original word is universally taboo; (b) such as supersede the original</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">word presumably because they are more convenient.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(a) A universally taboo word superseded.-A good example of a</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">universally taboo word is Shaka (pronounced Sha'ka), the name of the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">great Z. conqueror. The B. all over south-eastern Africa dared not utter</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">words similar in sound to Shaka's name. Until about a generation ago,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">a Zulu would not say Shaya, " hit," but used the Xosa Beta instead.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Shaka has been so hlonipa'ed that it has apparently been impossible</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">to be sure of its etymology-to-day it is not certainly known what it</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">means, nor which word or words are the hlonipa variants which took</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">its place in the language.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Words hlonipa'ed by the Z. nation alone were the names: Dingana,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Shaka's brother and successor; Mpande, another brother of Shaka</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">and Dingana's successor; and, to a less extent, Nandi, Shaka's</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">mother; Ndhlela, a councillor of both Dingana and Mpande; and</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nkobe, Ndhlela's father. The hlonipa variants are: Swela or Ntula</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(first category) for Dinga, "to need, be in lack of "; i-nGxabo (first</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">category) for i-mPande, " root " ; mToti (first category) for mNandi,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" sweet, agreeable to the taste "; i-Nyatu'ko (second category) for</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nDhlela, " path "; izi-mPothulo, pl. (probably of the second</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">category), for the pl. izi-nKobe, " boiled maize." I grew up in Zululand.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I remember that when I, for the first time, heard Dinga for " to</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">need " and i-mPande for " root ", these words sounded foreign to me-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I was accustomed to the hlonipa variants. The names of the two kings,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dingana and Mpande, were not, like Shaka's name, hlonipa'ed all over</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">south-eastern Africa. The whites already had a foothold in Natal;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">only those living north of the Tukela owed allegiance to the Zulu</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">kings, and their names were hlonipa'ed only by the Zulus proper.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nandi, Ndhlela, and Nkobe also were hlonipa'ed in Zululand, but not</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">so much as the names of the kings. In my childhood I was familiar</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">both with words formed from the stems -Nandi, -Dhlela, and -Kobe,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">and with their hlonipa variants. To-day, even in Zululand, they are</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">being hlonipa'ed less and less (? 29, below).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE INFLUENCE OF " HLONIPA)) ON THE ZULU CLICKS 775</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Cetshwayo, conquered by the British in 1879, seems to have inspired</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the least terror. As far as I know, he is hlonipa'ed only by his own clan,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">and by certain royalists, who, in spite of everything, have, in their</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">hearts, remained faithful to the old regime. The word ili-Khwatha</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">was used to hlonipa ili-Cebo, but " it has already fallen into disuse "</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Bt D., under ili-Kwata).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(b) " Hlonipa " words superseding the original word because more</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">convenient.-I cannot prove that the hlonipa forms are more convenient,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">but, unless they should belong to the (a) class above, the only</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">reason I can offer for their survival is that they are more convenient</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">than the word they have superseded. Among these may be instanced</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(see ? 13):-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Cha and Qha for Nga (? 19 (c)).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ili-Qiniso for i-Nyaniso, which seems obsolescent.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xhopha, " to hurt the eye " (for more exact definition see Bt D.),</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is probably the hlonipa variant of an obsolete verb Khopha-the Zulu</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">for " eyelash " is ulu-Khqophe(? 14).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There may be click variants of words, where the click form has</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">survived on account of being onomatopoeic. The following appear to</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">be such cases :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qhuma, " to pop, explode," from Duma, see ? 15.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Rrebula, "to tear, as cloth," and Rrebu'ka, "to become torn,"</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">see under Dabu'ka, ? 15.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Rrwebha, " scratch," from Dweba, " draw, as a line " (see Bt D.).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Xhapha, " to boil," from the obsolete Kapha, surviving in the form</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">with the suffix, Kaphaza, see ? 14 and Bt D. under Kapaza.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">If the original of the surviving hlonipa variant has become obsolete,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">it is hard to trace it, unless it is found in related languages or in cognate</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">words in the same language.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">24. " Hionipa" words surviving, with -a differentiated meaning,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">beside the original words.-In ? 15 there is a list of such click words.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Non-click words of this kind (the third category) do not seem common.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I cannot think of any. Dabu'ka, with its many variants, is interesting.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The original word, Dabu'ka, appears to have a general signification,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">including most of the special meanings, while the variants have</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">special meanings only.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">25. Conclusions as to the survival of " hlonipa " words.-It is clear</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">that the chances are against a hlonipa word entirely usurping the place</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of the original word, and surviving alone. In the first place, either it</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">must be a hlonipa variant of a universally tabooed word-such words</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">77-6 C. U. FAYEare</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">very few (to the best of my knowledge there has been only one such,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Shaka, during the last hundred years)-or it must, for some reason or</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">other, be more convenient than the original word. In the second place,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">besides ousting the original word, it has also to drive off the field all</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">other competing hlonipa variants. Again, though a hlonipa word may</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">be easy for the speaker-to pronounce, it may be hard for the hearer to</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">understand: it may be understood only in a certain locality; the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">original word is understood everywhere by everybody. The only</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">hlonipa words, which, as it were, carry their meaning with them, are</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">onomatopoeic ones (? 23 (b)) and words which, owing to an accidental</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">resemblance, are connected with a stem of a similar meaning, of</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">i-nDali and um-Miliso (? 18). It must also be remembered that the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">hlonipa variant, besides being confined to certain persons (to a sex,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">a family, or a tribe), is also confined in time : the married daughter's</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">set of hlonipa words only partially coincides with her mother's set.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For every generation there is a new adjustment of the hlonipa</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">vocabulary. While the hlonipa vocabularies undergo changes from</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">generation to generation, the original words stand relatively firm.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Finally, the " hlonipa " word itself may have to be hlonipa'ed, then, if</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the original word has not entirely disappeared, it is very often</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">resuscitated as a hlonipa word, and from the hlonipa vocabulary steps</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">into its original place (? 22). Bt, in his list of hlonipa words, has marked</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">several with a star to indicate that they are " genuine Zulu words "</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Bt D., p. 738). Ili-Qiniso appears to have superseded i-Nyaniso,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">which seems to be coming to life again.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is reasonable, then, to assume that the hlonipa custom-is</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">responsible for the death of no words in the Z. language, or very few.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The probabilities for the survival of hlonipa words with differentiated</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">meanings are greater.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">While not exaggerating the importance of the hlonipa custom (for</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">it is unlikely to have caused the death of more than an extremely small</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">number of Z. words), still we must not ignore its influence in increasing</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the vocabulary, for it is responsible for the formation of new words,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">some of which survive, with differentiated meanings, in the language.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">26. Was the contact of the Zulus with the H.-B. direct or indirect ?-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is generally assumed that the clicks came into the Hottentot language</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">by being borrowed from the Bushmen,' and that the Bantu languages</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">which have the clicks got them from the Hottentot-and perhaps a</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 See Pettman, Africanderisms, p. 5; Meinhof, HLW., p. 727 ; Theal, South Africa</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Story of the Nations Series), p. 7.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE INFLUENCE OF " HLONIPA ON THE ZULU CLICKS 777</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">few Bushman-women captured in war. It may be that other Bantu,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">not Zulus, came first into contact with the H.-B. and passed the clicks</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">on to the Zulus, without the Zulus coming into direct contact with the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">H.-B. Several facts support this idea. The Tekeza inhabited Zululand</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">before the Zulus. Since the Bantu drove the H.-B. southward and westward,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">it seems reasonable to assume that the Tekeza, who were in</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zululand before the Zulus, got into closer contact with the H.-B.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">than the Zulus did. It has been shown that the clicks must have been</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">in the Zulu language certainly before 1560,1 and that direct H.-B.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">influence on Zulu must have ceased not later than 1650. It would then,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">at the present time, be hard or impossible to prove anything from click</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">words, borrowed by Zulu from other Bantu languages. It could not</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">be shown that the clicks were brought into the language through</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the adoption of these words, for the clicks have been in the language</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">for centuries, and it is not easy to determine the date of the adoption</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">of the click words in question. When the Tekeza click word, Qeda,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">for instance, came into the Zulu language, is not known (? 15). Several</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">click words have been adopted from Xosa in modern times, i-nQola,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">" wagon," a corruption of the Xosa i-nQwelo, is an instance.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The geographical position of the Z. language to-day is that it is</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">surrounded by other B. languages, and it has been so surrounded since</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1650 at the latest. It may well be that the Zulus have never been in the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">van of the B. who drove the H.-B. before them, it may be that they</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">have always had some other B. between them and the H.-B.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is remarkable that there is no Z. word for Hottentot-I have</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">found none. If the Zulus had come into direct contact with the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hottentots, one would expect that they would at least have had a</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">word in their language to designate them. Ili-Law~u, which is not a</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zulu word, but borrowed from the Xosa, is used to denote " Hottentot,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">or similar yellow coloured half-breed, as Griquas " (Bt D.). The</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hottentots in the Cape Province, whether of mixed or of pure bloodif</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">there are any of pure blood left--now speak Dutch, and are separated</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">from the Zulus by other B. The Nama Hottentots in what used to</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">be German South-West Africa are too far away to have any influence</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">on Z. The word ili-Hhotentoti (from Du. Hottentot) is now coming into</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">the Z. language through being used in-the schools, that is through the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">use of English textbooks on history, which mention the Hottentots.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 The name of Qwabe (who, according to Zulu tradition, must have been born</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">before 1560) proves that Zulus must already have been able to pronounce clicks. It</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">is also certain that, by 1650, other Bantu tribes occupied the country between the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Zulus and the nearest section of the Hottentots.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There is a Z. word for Bushman, umu-Thwa, pl. aba-Thwa. Of this word Bt D. says: ". .. The name aba-Thwa, or its cognates, is the almost universal designation among the Bantu tribes for the Bushmen and Pygmy-Bushmen .. ." Mf L., p. 251, gives as the " Ur- Bantu " form umu-tua. The aba-Thwa have a place in Z. folk-lore, as presumably they do in the folk-lore of other B. We cannot from the presence of this word, umu-Thwa, in Z., argue that the Zulus borrowed the clicks directly from the Bushmen. Many B. languages have the word umu-Twa, but have no clicks. [The Pokomo use the name Wa-hwa (the phonetic equivalent of Aba-twa) for the Wasanye-a people in some respects similar to the Bushmen. Cf. the Batwa in Urundi and Ruanda, who, if not exactly Pygmies, are probably descended from them.]</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">27. Which foreign sounds in Z. are to be ascribed to 1H.-B. influence In addition to the clicks, I think the sound rr 1 must be ascribed to H.-B. influence, for, as far as I can make out, it is not found in any languages remote from this influence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wr LF., p. 126 : " ... three of them "-the clicks--" (the ' dental ', 'cerebral', and 'lateral') have passed from either Bushman or Hottentot into Zulu and Xosa .. ." p. 55 : " The 'laterals' (usually written hl, dhl, tl, tlh) are also peculiar to the southern group of languages, and there are a few other sounds of limited range which need not be discussed here ... "</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this paper I confine myself to a discussion of how the clicks (c, q, x) and rr came into the language. I have not made any investigations with regard to the laterals.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">28. How did the clicks and rr come into the language ?-The words borrowed from H.-B. present little difficulty.2 The B. who were in direct contact with the H.-B. borrowed them directly, and those who were not in direct contact with them must have got them through the B. between them and the H.-B.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">What has been puzzling is to account for the clicks in B. words. I think the examples given above (? 8 f.) throw some light on the question.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is reasonable to suppose that, among the B. in direct contact with the H.-B., the first persons to substitute clicks for other consonants in Bantu words were H.-B. women captured in war. If they were not the first, they must have taught their children H.-B. click words, and then the children, having learned to pronounce the</div><div style="text-align: justify;">clicks, were the first to use them as substitutes for consonants in B. words. I am inclined to think that women first made use of this substitution. Why women ? Women are more affected than men by the hlonipa custom, see ? 21. When it was desirable to hlonipa words, the clicks came in handy for the formation of hlonipa variants of the third category. A native consonant might change the word into another word already in the language, while the click, being a foreign sound, would not do so. This would apply also to such Bantu as have the clicks without having been in direct contact with the H.-B.-as, perhaps, the Zulus. They would, through intermarriage and other contact with neighbouring click-using B., come to use the clicks as their neighbours did-for hlonipa purposes.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Which click (or clicks) would be used for hlonipa purposes, and why that particular click (or those particular clicks) ? I cannot answer this definitely.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Turning to the examples given above, we find:-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(a) That all the clicks have been used as substitutes (? 20);</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(b) That, in Z., c is a common substitute for a non-click, and x for</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">another click; and</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(c) That, in Lala, we find c and q substituted respectively for the</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Z. q and c (Wg. KG., p. 643). In Xosa the same substitution sometimes takes place, see examples above in ? 10, for instance: isi-Catulo for Xosa isi-Qatulo, and also Mf HLW., p. 729.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To cover these facts I assume the following. At a certain time and in a certain locality a certain click would be the regular hlonipa substitute for one or more consonants-at other times and places other clicks might be the regular substitutes. All this would be going on among people who spoke the same language. Finally, in this language, one click would become the regular substitute, but vestiges of the former state of affairs would appear in words surviving with other click substitutes. This is what appears to have happened in Zulu: c being the regular substitute for non-clicks, and x for clicks.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There are to be found words with other click substitutes; these words may be survivals from a time before the supremacy of the present regular click substitute, or they may be loan words from another B. language or dialect.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Further investigation of B. words containing clicks may necessitate modification of my theory, but I venture to think it might provide a reasonable explanation of some of the facts; and that, at least, it would not prove fruitless to use it as a working hypothesis.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I have been unable to investigate words with a medial click and onomatopoeic click words. The latter would seem to be selfexplanatory in most cases. For onomatopoeic click substitutes, see ? 23 b.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">29. The present condition of" hlonipa " as it affects the Z. language.- The influence of Christian civilization is seen in the religious poem Lilya by the Icelandic monk Eystein Asgrimsson (died 1361). In this poem there appear to be no kenningar, though they were lavishly employed in earlier Norse poetry. Heiti and Kenningar may be likened to hlonipa variants of the first and second categories. Here may also be mentioned-though not exactly of the same nature-descriptive titles or added names, such as: (John) Lackland, (Frederick) Barbarossa, (Svein) Tjugeskjaeg, (Scipio) Africanus, etc. <br />
<br />
The chief function of the Zulu bards was to make poems praising their kings and great men. After their death these poems would be used in worshipping these heroes. The praise-poems would be full of substitutions of the same nature as the Kenningar were, and would have as their aim to give a poetical picture of the hero's character and great deeds.' Often a striking phrase in these praises, separated from its context, would become an added name and be used like Lackland, Barbarossa, etc.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Converted Christians have even attempted to make praise-poems in' honour of the Saviour, Jesus Christ. Christian sentiment has, however, rightly or wrongly, frowned upon poetic outbursts of this nature-and Christian Zulu poetry is either translation or imitation of European hymns.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The civilization brought by the whites has also had a disintegrating effect upon the hlonipa custom proper. Europeans, unwittingly or wittingly, continually break the custom--horses and dogs, for instance, have been given the names of Zulu kings. School teachers demand that lessons shall be repeated in <i>ipsissirnis verbis</i>, even when this entails a breach of <i>hlonipa</i>. The same is sometimes demanded in law courts, in the case of witnesses who have to repeat conversations they have heard. The custom, once broken, steadily loses its peculiar power over the person breaking it.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 Wg. KG., pp. 651-2, gives the praise-poems (or praise-names) of Ndaba and Senzangakona, and Sa. D., pp. x-xxii, those of Cetshwayo, Dinuzulu, and Solomonall members of the Zulu Royal Family; see genealogy in Wg. KG., p. vi. [A number of these are also given in Mr. J. Stuart's Zulu Readers.]</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">From the summary already given we see that-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(a) rr seems to have ceased being used as a hlonipa substitute;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(b) q is seldom used as a hlonipa substitute;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(c) c is the regular click substitute for non-click consonants;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(d) x is the regular click substitute for click consonants.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">From this it may be deduced that if the hlonipa custom should continue developing unchecked, only two clicks, c and x, would remain, and ultimately x would supersede c and be the sole surviving clicks. Since n can be substituted for clicks (?? 11, 20), it would not be impossible for the clicks eventually to be hlonipa'ed out of the language. In Jn CS., i, p. 38, we read: " Zulu-Kafir will become the second language of South Africa if its exponents are wise enough to eliminate the silly clicks which at present mar its phonology . . ." This tempts one to remark that English, which employs, as interjections, the click c (usually spelled tut-tut) and the click x (used in urging a horse), is, nevertheless, probably the most widely used language in the world; and the English th (voiced and unvoiced), though a comparatively peculiar sound, has not hindered the spread of English over the earth.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Whether the clicks would be hlonipa'ed out of the language if the whites had not come is difficult to decide. Now that they have come, it seems certain that it will not happen. The language is reduced to writing-the written word changes less than the spoken. The influence of the still active hlonipa custom, though even to-day great, is steadily decreasing.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The language must find new words for new ideas. New hlonipa words (as shown above, ? 14) often supplied the desired words. New words can still be made in the same manner as hlonipcav ariants of the first category (synonyms) and of the second category (words formed by derivation and composition), but the number of such words coming into the language, through hlonipa, is decreasing. As words of the thirdcategory are made for hlonipa purposes only, they will cease coming into the language if hlonipt dies-this source of new words appears to be gradually drying up. It seems a legitimate conclusion, then, that the influence of European civilization, by decreasing the number of new words of the third category of hlonipa variants, is correspondingly increasing the number of new words from other sources: words formed by derivation, composition, onomatopoeia, and words borrowed from other languages. It must be noted that this is happening at a time when the contact with European civilization has produced a great demand for new words.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"></div><div style="text-align: justify;">REFERENCES</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For Taboo in general :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Encyc. Brit., under Taboo.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hasting's Encyc. of Religion and Ethics, under Tabu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Frazer, The Golden Bough, v. iii, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul; use also the Index for all the volumes. The work is also published in a one volume edition.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For the influence of Taboo on language :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Max Miiller, The Science of Language, v. ii: " Te-pi" (= Taboo), p. 38 f.; "ukuhlonipa," p. 43 f.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gabelentz, Die Sprachwissenschaft, look up Tabuwesen in the Index.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Oertel, Lectures on the Study of Language, p. 304.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">J. L., p. 239 f. and p. 431.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Frazer, see above, v. iii, chapter vi. In the one volume edition, chapter xxii.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Portengen, De Oudgermaansche dichtertaal in haer ethnologisch verband, p. 78 f.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For the influence of Taboo (or hlonipa) on the Bantu languages in general and Zulu in particular :-</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mf Die moderne Sprachforschung in Afrika, p. 120.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jn CS., v. i, p. 29 ; v. ii, p. 120.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Frazer, see above, v. iii, pp. 376-7. In the one volume edition, pp. 257-8.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Th. HE., v. i, p. 72.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Th. The Yellow and Dark-skinned People of Africa South of the Zambesi, pp. 170, 255.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bt D., pp. 8-9 of the Preface, under Hlonipa in the body of the Dictionary. On p. 738 f. there is a " Vocabulary of the Hlonipa Language of the Zulu Women ".</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wanger, Konversations-Grammatik der Zulu-Sprache (look up " Hlonipa-Wesen "</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">in the Index).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">ABBREVIATIONS</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">B. = Bantu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bt D. = Bryant, Zulu Dictionary.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Du. = Dutch (i.e. " Afrikaans ").</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">H.-B. = Hottentot-Bushman.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">J. L. = Jespersen, Language (1923).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jn CS. = Sir H. H. Johnston, Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Languages.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mf HLW. = Meinhof, Hottentottische Laute u. Lehnworte im Kafir (ZDMG., lviii, lix).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mf L. = ,, Lautlehre der Bantusprachen.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mf VG. = ,, Vergleichende Grammatik der Bantusprachen.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sa. D = Samuelson, Zulu Dictionary.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Th. SSA. = Theal, South Africa (Story of the Nations Series).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wg. KG. = Wanger, Konversations-Grammatik der Zulu-Sprache.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wr LF. = Werner, Language-Families of Africa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Z. = Zulu, Zulus.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Footnote</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"></div><div style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify;">1. The spelling used throughout this paper is that adopted by Bryant in his Zulu Dictionary. <i>Hlonipa</i> should properly be written <i>hlonipha</i> (the p being aspirated), but the word being already in some degree familiar to English readers, I have thought it better to retain the more usual form.</div><div style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify;">2. See the Literary Digest, 19th August, 1916, p. 424, under the heading " Do you speak ' Yeg' ?"</div><div style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify;"></div><div style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify;">3.Bryant.(p.738) explicitly state3 that his vocabulary of <i>hlonipa</i> words is not complete. It is, however, quite complete enough to exhibit the characteristics of the three categories of <i>hlonipa</i> words. In the lists, herewith appended, it has been attempted to include all words of the third category to be found in Bt's vocabulary. Some I may have omitted, because the phonetic change in the hlonipa form may have so modified it that I did not recognize it as being a mere phonetic variant of the word to be tabooed; an example of a disguised form is <i>Qeda</i>, which is etymologically identical with Feza (? 15). Again, it is possible that I have included in my lists synonyms (? 3) whose form, happening to be similar to that of the tabooed word, has deluded me into thinking that they were formed according to the third method (? 5). The word <i>i-nDali</i>, for instance, sometimes used as the <i>hlonipa</i> variant of<i> i-M.ali</i>, is not formed from <i>i-Mali</i>, but is derived from Du. <i>vendutie</i> (or <i>vendusie</i>), see under <i>i-nDali</i>. The proportion of error, however, should not be so great as to prevent the lists from correctly exhibiting the general characteristics of the third category of <i>hlonipa</i> words ; hence, such errors as there may be, should not vitiate the value of the lists as being, on the whole, a tolerably stable foundation for the conclusions drawn at the end of this paper.<br />
<br />
<br />
</div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-64292626992231785502011-06-24T14:02:00.000+01:002011-06-24T14:02:53.446+01:00Cullen Young, Yesaya Chibambo and The Ngoni<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify">By Dr Peter G. Forster</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The Revd T. <a href="http://historyofmalawi.blogspot.com/2011/06/tribal-intermixture-in-northern.html">Cullen Young</a> is well known as the authority on the history, speech and customs of the Tumbuka. He has also made broader statements on the pattern of African culture<sup>2</sup>.In his discussion of the conquest situation in northern Malawi, Young is constantly concerned to defend the Tumbuka against the Ngoni intrusion: this comes through particularly in his discussion of Tumbuka chieftainship. Young wrote on the history of northern Malawi in 1923, revising his account in 1932. Even in his revised work, he says nothing of the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2009/08/angoni-by-whj-rangeley.html">Ngoni </a>viewpoint of the situation. None the less, in 1942 he helped the Revd Yesaya Chibambo to produce his own account of the events from a Ngoni viewpoint.<sup>3</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The issue of bias is particularly important in oral history, and both Young and Chibambo relied mainly upon oral testimony. It is therefore useful to examine the contributions of these two writers, in relation to their sources and to the interest they both had in making their findings public. The authors' own probable biases will be presented, and after comparing and contrasting their work, their historical findings will be placed along side those of their critics.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Cullen Young was born in 1880. A son of the Manse, he soon developed an interest in Scottish mission fields, especially those in Africa. He originally trained as an accountant, and while studying become involved in the 'Student Volunteer' movement, which aimed at evangelising the world in one generation. On completing his accountancy training he decided to enter the mission service, first embarking on theological studies. His destination was to be Livingstonia, where he arrived in 1904. His particular tasks were to put the mission accounts on a professional basis, and also to teach a course in Commercial Studies. While on furlough from the mission field, he attended further courses in theology, and was eventually ordained in 1914. His vocation was thus in full accord with the ideal of 'Legitimate Commerce and Christianity' that Livingstone had expounded. This will be seen to be significant for his historical studies.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">A further relevant consideration is his attitude to military activities. In common with many other missionaries, Cullen Young was called up in the German East African Campaign, where he could put his knowledge of African languages to good use. He seems to have accepted the military exigencies of the situation at the time: and the war made a deep impression on him<sup>4</sup>. But in the 1930's, after his retirement from the mission field, he began to attend Quaker meetings regularly. It is not certain how pacifistic he was before or after such involvement. The only recorded evidence is in a magazine article in 1940, where he discussed the problem of Christian duty in a period of compulsory military service. He commented here that it was a sign of progress that there were now two answers to this question: no doubt quite a controversial opinion for the time. The same article also hints indirectly that he had experienced conflict with his brother (the Revd William Paulin Young) on this matter. William Young had a distinguished record in the First World War, and nearly decided to remain in the armed forces afterwards<sup>5</sup>. The Ngoni were a warrior people till the turn of the century, and Young's attitudes to them could have been affected by this. The matter is not however conclusive, especially since Young's historical and anthropological writings on northern Malawi were largely complete by 1931, when he left the mission field. But it seems safe to say that while Young probably never became a complete pacifist, he was certainly hostile to militarism. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young kept a low profile in his early years at Livingstonia. He was deferential to age, experience, and seniority, and did not wish to be seen to speak out of turn. This is a relevant consideration since senior missionary opinion tended to prefer the culture and political system of the Ngoni to that of the Tumbuka. Walter Angus Elmslie had in 1899 published a full-length study <i>Among the Wild Ngoni</i>. This was highly critical of their customs, and at times even sensational. Yet at the same time, Elmslie admired the Ngoni authoritarian, centralised state system: he saw it as the most appropriate kind for uncivilised peoples<sup>6</sup>. He clearly had a higher regard for the Ngoni conquerors than for theTumbuka and Tonga, though it was the subject peoples that had welcomed the protection of the mission. Such a standpoint is also evident in the work of Donald Fraser. In 1901, Fraser delivered an address on 'The Zulu of Nyasaland' before the Philosophical Society of Glasgow, which was subsequently published in its Proceedings. This dealt with the march northwards to Malawi of the Ngoni, extolling their aristocratic and military virtues in contradistinction to the 'degradation' of the Tumbuka. A similar theme is continued in his longer study Winning a Primitive People, which appeared in 1914.<sup>7</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young's own writings, however, were clearly pro - Tumbuka and depicted the Ngoni as unwelcome imperialists. His first source of inspiration forthis standpoint was undoubtedly an anonymous manuscript that he received in the post in 1909. This contained a history of the Tumbuka, and was particularly concerned to press the claims of the Tumbuka chiefs against those of the Ngoni invaders. The author turned out to be Saulos Nyirenda, a former teacher who had left the North to work for the African Trans-Continental Telegraph Company. In 1931 Young had the manuscript published in Bantu Studies, as a parallel text in English and Tumbulca.<sup>8</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young's subsequent exposition of Tumbuka-Ngoni relations follows Nyirenda very closely, and he nowhere contradicts Nyirenda on any important matter. Nyirenda is concerned to stress the relatively peaceful existence enjoyed by the Tumbuka before Ngoni intrusion; thus he comments:</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><i>before the Ngoni came while our chiefs were still (over) the land here, Chungu (sic), Chikuramayembe, Kanyenda and his father Karonga, we do not hear that people fought at random. There were the poison ordeals and small village quarrels; in the morning they would be friendly in the very place where they had wounded each other, there was no carrying the matter on.</i><sup>9</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young notes that there were some military engagements before the Ngoni, but likewise stresses that these were not on a par with post-Ngoni disturbances:</div><div align="justify"><i>....they were, if ancient tales regarding communal strife are true, much more of the nature of public tests of strength than what we would understand as battles. The death of one or more invariably brought the proceedings to an end and the following day usually saw some sort of payments made to square losses</i>.<sup>10</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young found that Nyirenda supported the impression obtained by comparing Livingstone's accounts of the area with those of previous writers, especially Bocarro. Thus Young commented:</div><div align="justify">The more investigation is pushed it will the more probably be found that it is upon this period (i.e. relatively recent times] rather than upon any prehistoric African tendency to empire, rapine, and organised strife, that we must look as the origin of these ills that have been too loosely held to be natural in early human development. We may couple with the Arab period that of the great military despotisms in South Africa as being jointly responsible for the rise of fighting tribes and the lust of conquest; for the spread of the slave trade and the creation of that state of fear and suspicion as between man and man, which is so marked a characteristic of Central Africa even today.<sup>11</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Thus Young sees firstly the Arab slave traders and secondly the Ngoni invaders as responsible for devastation. The implication is that indigenous Tumbuka society was basically ordered and peaceful when left to itself.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">It was not however true that the indigenous Tumbuka had been left to themselves before the arrival of the Arabs and the Ngoni. An important episode in Nyirenda's account, which is followed closely by Cullen Young, is the arrival in about 1780 of the Balowoka, or those who crossed the Lake. They introduced the Tumbuka to external trade: especially in ivory, which had not previously been considered by them as valuable. The commercial expertise of the Balowoka led to the designation of their leader, Mlowoka, as paramount chief over most of Tumbuka territory. The seat of power was known as Nkhamanga, and lay between the Dwangwa river and the Rukuru valley; and the dynasty became known as Chilculamayembe. Mlowoka was able to divide the various districts of Tumbuka territory among his followers; he alsonominated various headmen as chiefs, and strengthed his political influence by making strategic marriages. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">This was a disturbance of the original condition of the Tumbuka; but the invasion had been peaceful. Cullen Young clearly admired Mlowoka. He saw him as showing in his personal qualities the 'African beau ideal'. He is reported to have been kindly, skilful in hunting, and generous at all times. He was in no way connected with slaving, but built up Nkhamanga as a successful trading centre, known over a wide area. Young appears to have seen Mlowoka as a precursor to the idea of legtimate commerce' that Livingstone was later to advocate. He therefore did not oppose disturbance of the aboriginal Tumbuka in principle. He was hardly in a position to object, since Livingstonia Mission, and all other missionaries' activities, were external agencies committed to change. But for Young the Balowoka were acceptable because they came peacefully and their influence was progressive. They were seen as having converted the Tumbuka to patrilineal descent and virilocal marriage, a development which Young also saw as progress.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The situation was quite different when the Ngoni arrived. They succeeded in deposing the Chikulamayembe, and left considerable disruption. The only development brought by the Ngoni which Young saw as progressive was the introduction of bridewealth payments in marriage. This innovation became general when insisted upon by a British magistrate who was familiar with it from his previous work among the Zulu.<sup>12</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Nyirenda's account, which was the starting-point of Young's historical investigations, was openly partisan in purpose. It expressed appreciation of the British for having restored the Chikulamayembe dynasty (in 1907). There is detailed discussion of succession in this dynasty; Young follows Nyirenda closely here, while also relying on other informants. The account goes on to show how the Ngoni had passed through Nkhamanga but had then moved on to Tanzania. They had engaged in cattle raiding among the Tumbuka, who were relieved at their departure. But after the death of their leader, Zwangendaba, fisson had occurred;Tumbuka territory was remembered favourably, and two of his sons, M'mbelwa and Mtwalo, went back there; a third son, Mperembe, was later to join them. They were met with resistance, but succeeded in conquering the pre - existing Tumbuka authorities and installing their own chiefs.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Nyirenda goes on to relate how in the unfamiliar, settled situation, the Ngoni found their traditional policy of assimilation of alien elements difficult to sustain: they did however follow such a policy in the case of the young. This was sometimes counter-productive; certain young Tumbuka men, notably Kanyoli, Mwendera Wadokota, and Kambondoma, learnt Ngoni military methods so successfully that they were eventually to use them against their former masters. Rebellious tendencies among the subject peoples gradually gained ground; but the principle that the young but not the old could be trusted was reaffirmed. A plan to massacre the old was devised; a meeting was called at Mtwalo's kraal, the ostensible purpose being to administer war medicine. A surprise attack was to be launched, but the plan was foiled because a sympathetic Ngoni had warned of the plot. Rebellious tendencies continued, and the Ngoni were in the end able to quell such movements only by virtue of their alliance with the Chewa chief Mwase Kasungu, who had acquired firearms from Arab sources. This led to flight northwards by the Tumbuka of the Henga valley, who subsequently had military engagements with the Nyakyusa. By the mid-1880's, the situation in the far north was complicated by the presence of two non- African elements, the Europeans and the Arabs. After further fighting, the Europeans became the dominant force and in 1889 Sir Harry Johnston arrived as the first British Governor.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Although Cullen Young was again heavily dependent on Nyirenda's account for the post-Ngoni period, he did have other written sources to draw upon. Elmslie and Fraser have already been mentioned. Other European commentators included Archdeacon Johnson of the UMCA, Sir Harry Johnston, Frederick (later Lord) Lugard, Low Monteith Fotheringham, and Frederic Moir<sup>13</sup>. Also, and particularly important,the Ngoni period was sufficiently recent for Young to be able to draw upon eye-witness accounts. His general perspective follows Nyirenda's portrayal of Ngoni interference with a stable, viable, and on the whole peaceful polity. Some of his material of Henga rebellion is practically a verbatim quotation of Nyirenda's account. Young notes that some initial military successes against the Ngoni would only have been temporary had it not been for the arrival of the Europeans. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Of particular interest is the greater detail supplied by Young about the succession disputes following the death of Zwangendaba. Nyirenda mentions only the return to Malawi of Zwangendaba's three sons, but Young provides much more detail. He notes that in about 1830, Zwangendaba's chief wife, Munene, gave birth to M'mbelwa. Before his death in Tanzania, in Fipa country, Zwangedaba had indicated the house of Munene as the one from which his successor would be drawn. But M'mbelwa was not yet of age; and Zwangendaba's brother, Ntabeni, secured the nomination of Mpezeni, from a different house. He was influenced in this choice by the fact that he had quarrelled with Munene. This move was opposed by Gwaza Jere as Chief Councillor. He was of the royal family but not in line ofsuccession. GwazaJere's views carried weight, but his opposition was unsuccessful. Ntabeni made himselfvery unpopular by overruling Zwangendaba's choice. He punished his enemies further on his death, by leaving instructions that he should be buried in secret.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Quarrels did indeed result from exclusion from the burial, and eventually precipitated the division of the Ngoni into five different sections. One section, that ofM'mbelwa, came to settle in northern Malawi: the Ngoni presence was thus established, in about 1845. The elders supported M'mbelwa as the legitimate heir, though Mtwalo (from another house) was his rival.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Cullen Young's exercises in historical study, after their publication in 1923, found a ready audience among many northern Malawians who were now literate in English. His findings provoked considerable controversy and, fascinated by the debates which he had provoked,Young produced a revised edition of his historical work in 1932. The issues were of political as well as personal significance to their authors; Indirect Rule was now being implemented by the British in Malawi, and the time was evidently ripe to press claims for succession. In the new text, the general account is revised, and there are also three totally new chapters. Two of these press Ngonde claims, while the third puts the view of the Tonga. In all cases the concern is to criticise exaggerated claims made by Young for Nkhamanga sovereignty. Conspicuous in its absence is any representation of the Ngoni viewpoint. Although he lists a few Ngoni collaborators, they are heavily outnumbered by the non-Ngoni. Many Ngoni would no doubt have wished to take issue with a number of claims made by Young, but his pro-Tumbuka stance is unchallenged.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In the main body of the 1932 text, there is more detail on the post-Ngoni situation. There is a fuller description of the movement northwards, but this is to be expected as more had been published on this topic. There are some important corrections of dates. He had previously stated the date of the Ngoni crossing of the Zambezi as having been in 1825, coinciding with an eclipse of the sun. But information from the Cape Town Observatory enabled this to be corrected to 1835. Young had fixed the date of the Ngoni return to Malawi in relation to this, and it was accordingly corrected to 1845.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young changed the name ofthe people about whom he was writing from <i>Tumbuka-Henga</i> to <i>Tumbuka-Kamanga</i> for the 1932 edition. He stated that this was more accurate and that the source of the confusion had lain with the Ngon i. The Henga were the Tumbuka-speakers first encountered by the British; and they had been the first to rebel against the Ngoni. But by 1932, Young wanted to stress that Nkhamanga was an important seat of power, having been only temporary obliterated by the Ngoni.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Finally, it is noteworthy that Young closes the main text by deploring the tendency of some Tumbuka to `Ngoni-ise' themselves. He comments:</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><i>It is to be hoped that the mistaken policy of the old Tumbuka families, who hide their true race in the foolish dream of being taken for `Ngoni',may not long delay the appearance among them of a reliable historian</i>.<sup>15</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">This was not, however, the end of the matter. After leaving Malawi, Young had succeeded in obtaining employment with the Religious Tract Society (which in 1935 became the United Society for Christian Literature). He performed a wide range of administrative duties, but was particularly involved with the supply of literature to Africa and the administration of the Africa Fund. His duties included the encouragement of African authors, and one of those whose work appeared under the imprint of the United Society for Christian Literature was the Revd Yesaya Mloneyi Chibambo. His book, translated as My Ngoni of Nyasaland, was published in 1942 with some footnotes by Cullen Young.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo was the son of one of the original Ngoni families who had travelled north. His father had held the position of mouthpiece for the view of big chiefs; and his father's elder brothers had been famous warriors. Chibambo's impeccable aristocratic connections were combined with a modernising out look. He thus became a Christian and entered mission employment. In 1920 he received the Honours Diploma for Schoolteachers, awarded by Livingstonia. In 1921 he complained to the Livingstonia Mission council, regarding inferior conditions of service for African employees of the mission; he received a courteous reply, but almost nothing was conceded. He did however remain in the mission, and in 1929 he was ordained. He worked for many years at Ekwendeni with Revd Charles Stuart, who translated the text of his History. Chibambo developed a strong historical consciousness, and was very systematic in his investigations. He wrote on both customs and history, and his Tumbuka-language account <i>Midauko</i><sup>16</sup></div><div align="justify">became recognised as authoritative throughout Ngoniland. Only the historical part of this appeared in Stuart's translation. Chibambo performed the task of systematising Ngoni history, just as Young had done for the Tumbuka. But the Ngoni had the advantage that their exploits were more immediate in living memory; and it was easier to draw a picture of a glorious tradition from the events in Ngoni history than was the case with the Tumbuka.<sup>17</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo was systematic but far from impartial. His concern was to defend the value-system of the Ngoni, against potential critics both African and European. He realised that some Europeans would deny any value in Ngoni tradition, simply because it was African. Chibambo was rather concerned to expound the view that a certain amount of eclecticism would be appropriate in European attitudes to African culture. He resented the tendency of some Europeans to lump all Africans together as savages. He himself was conscious of a feeling ofNgoni superiority, and as has already been seen, some of Young's missionary colleagues (though not Young himself) shared this view. The Ngoni had shown themselves to be relatively resistant to absorption of European values, especially in respect of material culture. At the same time, they had welcomed the religious and educational insights that had been provided by the mission. It is significant that the Mombera Native Association, founded in 1919 by the new educated Ngoni elite, made one of its first tasks the restoration of the old powerful Ngoni chieftainship. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo's historical account advocates the Ngoni view of events in northern Malawi. He rejects Saulos Nyirenda's argument, which Young supported, to the effect that the Ngoni had 'spoiled the land'. He also provides information on many events in much more detail than is found in Young. In some cases there is a different interpretation, in a manner more favourable to the Ngoni. But more often Chibambo provides information on matters which Young hardly touched upon. He begins by outlining the quarrels in South Africa, the subsequent move north, and the Zambezi crossing. He shows that one split had already occurred before the crossing was made, the fissiparous group eventually settling in Dedza area of Malawi. But much of this information was by now already widely known from other accounts. On other questions Chibambo is more original. There is useful discussion of the northward journey; of the problems surrounding the paramountcy, and the dynastic disputes which followed the death of Zwangendaba; and of eventual settlement in northern Malawi, with its attendant rebellion. Finally Chibambo considered the impact of foreigners, both Arab and European, paying particular attention to the consequences of arrival of missionaries.Chibambo shows how, after crossing the Zambezi, the route taken was through the Luangwa valley until Chewa country was reached at Kasungu. He notes that captives were easily taken from both the Chewa and the Tumbuka: but that as movement northward continued, the passage became less smooth. Thus at Mawiri Zwangendaba fell ill, and at this point the tight discipline characteristic of Ngoni political organisation began to show signs of collapse. Chibambo reports that this was particularly true of the Thonga section, which had been formed south of the Zambezi. The Tumbuka and Chewa captives now began to accuse their Thonga masters of witchcraft, maintaining that this was the cause of Zwangendaba's illness. As a consequence many older Thonga were killed at Mawiri. But Zwangendaba insisted on pressing on northwards; Nkhamanga country was bypassed on the way, and the Ngoni eventually arrived at Mapupo in Fipa country. Here Zwangendaba died peacefully, in 1848. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Zwangendaba's death precipitated the succession crisis and subsequent dispersal. Nyirenda recognised this, but did not provide a detailed account. Young had more information available, as noted earlier. But the wealth of detail provided by Chibambo on sucession following Zwangendaba's death adds considerably to our understanding of the events. A simplified version of the set-up shortly before the division is shown in the diagram. Only those relevant to the dispute have been included; Zwangendaba had, for instance, numerous wives, but only a few of them are significant in this particular context.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">ZWANGENDABA: THE PROBLEM OF SUCCESSION </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo's account goes on to relate how, when Zwangendaba became paramount chief, he set up his own chief-place, known as Emveyeyeni. This was separate from Elangeni, the village of his father Hlatchwayo. In Emveyeyeni he placed his head wife, Lompetu, together with her sister, Soseya (who was also one of his wives). However Zwangendaba became suspicious of the people of Emveyeyeni, since one day he discover a hair in some beer that they had prepared for him. He saw this as a sign that they wanted to bewitch him, and therefore ordered the destruction of Emveyeyeni. Soldiers were sent there; they were led by Gwaza Jere, the principal headman of Elangeni. Zwangendaba's instructions were carried out, except that Gwaza Jere decided to spare Soseya, since she was in childbirth. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Soseya gave birth to a son, Mpezeni. The mother and son remained in hiding for a long period. But when Mpezeni was fairly well grown, he and his mother were shown to Zwangendaba. The paramount chief's anger had now gone, and he received them well. He did not, however, give them a village of their own, preferring to keep them in his father's village, Elangeni. This was a way of showing that he did not wish Mpezeni to inherit his own position. Since Lompetu had been killed, his head wife was now Munene, in Ekwendeni. Her son was M' mbelwa, but he was not automatically indicated as successor. Zwangendaba's own choice was, according to Chibambo, Ngodoyi (not mentioned by Young). Ngodoyi was the son of Zwangendaba's younger brother Ntabeni. Zwangendaba indicated this choice before his death: Ntabeni followed Zwangendaba as regent, and it was expected that Ngodoyi's succession would be confirmed. He was intelligent and well-grown, and would have appeared suitable. But the men of Elangeni, together with Gwaza Jere, argued that Mpezeni was the real heir even though Zwangendaba had not nominated him. Surprisingly, Ntabeni agreed that his own son should be passed over in favour of Mpezeni. Ntabeni also suggested that Mtwalo, son of Qutu, should be second in succession. Whereas he liked Mtwalo, Ntabeni made no mention of Mmbelwa, son of Munene. He had frequently been rude to Ntabeni and had cursed him and was now punished as a consequence. Thus secession returned to thehouse of the original head wife. Munene was turned out of Ekwendeni empty-handed. These decisions did not receive universal assent: some felt especially that M'mbelwa should have succeeded, since Munene had become the head wife after Soseya was killed. But frustration was kept in check while Ntabeni was still alive. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">These details differ from those reported by Young in one very important respect. Young states clearly that Zwangendaba nominated his successor from the house of Munene, and makes no mention of Ngodoyi. But Chibambo confirmed Young's account on the matter of Ntabeni's wish to provoke confrontation after his own death, by insistence on a secret burial. Chibambo relates that after this event, several wives and children of Ntabeni's younger brother Mgayi were killed.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Following such incidents, partition occurred. Ngodoyi and his supporters went northwards, while the rest left to settle at Malindika, near Isoka (Fife) in Zambia. Mpezeni was among them but was not of age, so the regency continued. Gwaza Jere was now a cripple but he accompanied Mpezeni. A further division occurred: after raiding from Malindika, those originally from Ekwendeni returned there; but those from Elangeni settled at Makukwe, near Tulcuya in Tanzania. Mpezeni was among the later, but when there was famine in Makukwe he was brought back by the Ekwendeni section. He had by now been made paramount chief, by Gwaza Jere. Those who had settled at Malindika subsequently moved to Luanda. This place became renamed Chidhlodhlo (head-ring) because of the assumption of this decoration by Mpezeni and the regiments.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo goes on to recount further divisions. One rebellion was led by Zulu Gama, whose supporters went to the east of Lake Malawi. After his death, his sons Gwazeya and Mharule continued the leadership. They encountered some other Ngoni east of the Lake: these were the Maseko Ngoni, who had broken away before the crossing of the Zambezi on the march northwards. Fighting occurred with them, and Gwazeya returned westwards with some of his followers. But Mharule remained; he continued the dispute with the Maseko Ngoni, who had insisted on keeping cattle captured on joint raids for themselves. This time, theMaseko Ngoni were defeated, and were forced to flee to the west side of the Shire river. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Another secession from Chidhlodhlo was led by Chiwere Ndhlovu. He was of Senga origin, but took with him many Ngoni, and eventually settled near Dowa. But more relevant for the present account are the details of the split of Mpezeni from Mtwalo and M'mbelwa. Mpezeni began to revive the old enmities; he was repeatedly rude to M'mbelwa, though remained on good terms with Mtwalo. Mpezeni also disliked Gwaza Jere, and blamed him for the secession by Chiwere Ndhlovu. But Gwaza Jere now obtained sufficient support for a rebellion, and he left Chidhlodhlo for Matako, with M ' mbelwa, Mtwalo and their supporters. Mtwalo and M'mbelwa were still under age, so the leadership went to Gwaza Jere. But on reaching Elangeni, he called a meeting to propose Mtwalo as paramount chief of the Ngoni. But Mtwalo insisted that the title should go to M'mbelwa; his decision was praised, and he thus attracted a large following.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Mpezeni decided to leave Chidhlodhlo at this point, and set out westwards. He was accompanied by Mperembe, another son of Zwangendaba, who was still too young for political office. But after arrival in Bisa country, Mperembe's section split off, and turned towards Ekwandeni again. They attempted to settle in Bemba country, Mperembe was treated there like a chief and received royal salutation, Bayete. But he and his people soon fled and returned to live among M'mbelwa's Ngoni, the royal salutation for Mperembe now being dropped. Mpezeni and his people continued, eventually settling in Chipata (Fort Jameson) in Zambia. They remained in this area, and subsequently became the subject of Barnes's anthropological studies.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In Malawi, M'mbelwa and Mtwalo left Matako; they crossed the Rukuru and reached the Henga valley. Here M'mbelwa was made paramount chief officially. There was nearly another split at this point, between him and Mtwalo: but Gwaza Jere succeeded in persuading the people to stay together. Mtwalo and M'mbelwa did however build separate villages and cross the river in different places. Mtwalo's people settled southeastof Mount Chima, while M'mbelwa's people settled at the place known today as Ekwendeni. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In summary so far, it can be maintained that Chibambo's account of the succession and division following Zwangendaba's death tends to amplify rather than to contradict Young, and that it is based on more information. There are however important differences on the matter of Gwaza Jere's attitude to Mpezeni as the choice for Zwangedaba's heir: and on Zwangendaba's actual indiction of an heir.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In Chibambo's subsequent discussion of settlement and conquest, the account differs from that of Young mainly because the two authors support different sides: factual discrepancies are not the main issue, but Young supports the Tumbuka, Chibambo the Ngoni. Chibambo argues that the tribes into which the Ngoni penetrated were subdued with very little difficulty. He supports the contention that the indigenous tribes were scattered and lacking in centralised authority. His version would imply that Young's claims for the extent ofauthority of Chilculamayembes were exaggerated, though Chibambo also exaggerates Ngoni authority by claiming that they conquered the Ngonde.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo draws an explicit comparison between Ngoni methods of government over their subjects, and the British policy of Indirect Rule. He also discusses the policy ofassimilation ofyoung people from among their subjects. He maintains that one effect of the policy was that some of those so assimilated began to perceive the limits of Ngoni power. He suggests that, especially after some of their success in battle, many ofthe young Nkhamanga men began to get out of hand and to belittle the Ngoni. Chibambo maintains that it was in accordance with this development that a review of fighting men took place at Ekwendeni; but he denies that there was any intention to massacre the old, since large numbers of women were also present in the village and the cattle kraal. Rather he insists that the sole purpose of the exercise was to administer war medicine. He goes on to report the breakaway of the Tumbuka subjects, which was completed by 1879, making the comment that not all chose to leave. He shows that the Chewa under Mwase gaveimportant military assistance to the Ngoni. Most of the remaining rebellious activities are reported in similar terms to those of Young. Chibambo also notes the continuation of operations in the Siska country after the Henga had fled, leading to eventual Siska surrender. However, he maintains, with the end of the rising there was peace; and this had all taken place before the arrival of the missionaries, who were only just beginning to build, at Bandawe. The clear suggestion is that the Ngoni rather than the missionaries had secured the pacification of the area. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Arabs as well as Europeans were encountered by the Ngoni, but Chibambo argues that the Ngoni engaged in very few dealings in slaves; rather, their main commodity was ivory. By contrast, he maintains, the chiefs of the Tonga, Siska, Nkhamanga and Chewa all engaged in extensive slave trading. Since the Ngoni did not support the Arabs, he maintains that the cause of the Europeans and that of the Ngoni was the same; it was merely unfortunate that they knew little about one another. This leads Chibambo to his main propaganda piece on behalf of his own people. He notes that there had been the prophets of Israel; he sees God as having been slowly revealing himself in every nation, even among the backward and despised. He states that Ngoniland also had its seers (izanuzi) who foretold of something great coming from the water, and who advised that the new foreigners be received courteously. He suggests that this prepared the way for the reception of missionaries, and that the chiefs in particular showed themselves to be friendly. At first, he admits, theNgoni wanted the Tonga to be left alone by the missionaries so that they could be raided; but eventually schools were permitted after Christian prayers appeared to be successful in producing rainfall. He also comments that though the Gospel eventually succeeded in shaking the power of the Ngoni, this did not take place immediately, and that raiding did not cease completely until 1893. He notes that M'mbelwa's children did not attend school, but Mtwalo's did so; also that British annexation of Ngoniland in 1904 took place without bloodshed.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo's contention, then, is that there was another side to the story that the Ngoni brought no good by settling in northern Malawi. In the first place, he sees the Ngoni as having unconsciously prepared the wayfor the Gospel. In the second place he argues that the Ngoni showed betters ways of government, law and discipline: he deplores the few instances where Ngoni adopted customs of their subjects. He argues further that the missions had been a civilising influence: Mtwalo died in 1890, and M'mbelwa a year later, but there was no dynastic strife since people knew the Gospel. He suggests that the missions also helped the Ngoni and the British government to come together in friendship. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">It is difficult to speculate as to how Cullen Young evaluated this account. He provided footnotes to Chibambo's text, but these merely explain points of detail and do not dispute his claims. But previously he had always taken a pro-Tumbuka stand, and had not given the Ngoni viewpoint a hearing in the revised edition of his History. Three factors seem however to have some relevance. In the first place, Young was often concerned to have all points of view properly represented. In the case of the Ngonde and the Tonga he had done this in his 1932 text, but merely presented the versions side by side without attempting serious evaluation. Yet he might well in 1942 have seen Chibambos account as a useful corrective to any bias that might have perpetrated. In the second place, he would certainly have approved of Chibambo's comments about the activities of the Ngoni seers in preparing the way for the Gospel, and of the comparison with ancient Israel. One of his favourite themes was that of the Christian message of 'completion'. He was concerned to stress that there was something of Jesus among those who did not yet know him, and he quoted with approval Jesus's words, 'I have come not to destroy, but to fulfill'08). In the third place, political conditions were now different. The Chikulamayembeship had been recognised by the British government, and there was no longer any danger of Ngoni interference with this claim.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo's work was highly influential. The Ngoni themselves responded very favourably to his support for their belief in their own superiority. <i>Midauko</i> became widely used in schools. Ngoni aristocratic consciousness persisted, and became strengthened by labour migration to South Africa and Zimbabwe: this enabled them to meet linguistically and culturally similar peoples, thereby lending support to their ethnicpride. On a more academic level, their distinctiveness was stressed also in the work of the anthropologist/educationist Margaret Read. Chibambo served as Read's guide in her field studies, and had an important influence. Read noted that Chibambo was recognised throughout Ngoniland as an authority on tradition; and it was clearthat he encouraged Read to think well of his own people. Read emphasised Ngoni aristocratic distinctiveness, and maintained that her ethnographic material justified such a stand point. She studied Ngoni methods of socialisation, which served to preserve Ngoni identity through songs, folktales, and the development of a strong historical consciousness.<sup>19</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">It appears that, while Cullen Young was pleased to enable Ngoni claims to be heard through Chibambo and later through Read, he remained personally sceptical of them. He seems to have regarded Read as having been over-influenced by key informants. There is evidence of direct contact between them on the subject, and Young seems to have felt that he had been treated in a patronising fashion. In his correspondence with W.H.J. Rangeley, he remarks ofRead's `Malinowske smile ofsuperiority when referring to such controversy.<sup>20</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Rangeley was an administrator in Malawi who had risen to the position of Provincial Commissioner. He wrote numerous historical articles, in one of which is to be found a continuation of the discussion of Ngoni succession. This is his contribution `Mtwalo', to the Nyasaland Journal<sup>21</sup>. Rangeley's article is more sophisticated than many earlier writings on the subject, and relies mainly on the testimony of living informants. A greater attempt at objectivity is evident, though <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2009/08/angoni-by-whj-rangeley.html">Rangeley</a> did confess a strong admiration for the then incumbent of the Ngoni paramountcy (Mtwalo II). His main focus of attention is on the interregnum, the succession disputes after the death of Zwangendaba, and the subsequent dispersal and settlement pattern.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Rangeley does not directly suggest, with Young, that M'mbelwa was nominated by his father as heir, nor with Chibambo that Ngodoyi was chosen. Rather he comments that the choice was made implicitly: when Zwangendaba died, his body was carried to Ekwendeni, and M'mbelwa'ssister Lomangazi stood by the grave. There was tension; warriors were present and ready to fight, but in the events there was no direct challenge. Rangeley examines in detail the dispute between Munene and Ntabeni, and notes that Ntabeni had attempted unsuccessfully to claim the Edwendeni wives in levirate: but they all opted for Mgayi, the son of Ntabeni's brother Mafu. This incident exacerbated the conflict surrounding the secret funeral of Ntabeni. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Rangeley's discussion of the settlement pattern follows similar lines to that of Young and Chibambo, but is more detailed and less partisan. This fissiparity is shown to have ended with the public recognition of M'mbelwa as chiefby Mtwalo. Some more recent events are noted, such as the movement of the site of Ekwendeni until it was established at its present location in 1891. M'mbelwa died in that year, and Mtwalo a year later; there was much raiding to avenge the death of M'mbelwa, and this continued till 1897 (not 1893 as Chibambo had suggested), though this activity was steadily undermined by missionary and other European influence. In 1895 Chimtunga was confirmed as paramount chief, and in the following year Mtwalo's son Muhawi was appointed chief of Ekwendeni. He became a Christian, and worked as a teacher using the name Amon. He became Mtwalo II in 1944, and was still alive when Rangeley wrote on him.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Rangeley notes that his findings do not differ from those of Cullen Young to any marked degree. He also sees his conclusions as supporting those of E.H. Lane Poole, who had been a provincial commissioner in Zambia, and who also published some historical findings about the Eastern Province of what was then Northern Rhodesia("). He relied mainly upon oral tradition, though he had been influenced also by Cullen Young. Unfortunately he did not consult the 1932 revised History and failed to take account of some amendments such as the date of Ngoni crossing of the Zambezi. On the whole, Lane Poole sees Young as the best authority on the northward movement of Ngoni, and most of his critical comments are on points of detail. Unlike Young (and later Rangeley) he maintains that Mgayi was a brother of Zwangendaba, not the son of Mafu. He then maintains that Ntabeni and Mgayi both claimedthe paramountcy when Zwangendaba died. He is aware that adelphic succession does not accord with Ngoni custom, but speculates that the situation might have changed since age and experience would be important for the paramount in a situation of war. Other possibilities that Lane Poole considers are that the brothers merely claimed guardianship; that they were thinking in terms of military rather than political leadership; or that, in Ntabeni's case, his claim had been on behalf of his son. He indicates that eventually Ntabeni and Mgayi both led separate sections northwards, leaving the dispute between Mpzeni, Mtwalo and M'mbelwa. When M'mbelwa was appointed, there were further splits initiated by those who disapproved of this choice.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Some recent commentary by historians is also relevant. Thus Rennie<sup>23</sup> is concerned to stress that the Ngoni were in no way beginning to lose their grip on their subjects by the time that the Europeans arrived; on the contrary, they were consolidating their power. Only the European arrival altered the balance of power, especially when backed up by the force of the colonial government and its superior weapons. Rennie makes no reference to Young, and does not dwell on the complexities of the succession dispute. He does howevercomment that though Chibambo maintained that Ngoni rule was enlightened and beneficial, this view was not shared by their subjects in particular, they suffered greatly through land alienation. Rennie also observes, however, that missionary writers such as Elmslie exaggerated the picture of Ngoni cruelty so to ensure pacification of the area and to stress the need for the mission.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Drawing partly on Rennie's account, the historian Thompson<sup>24</sup> supports the idea that Ngoni power was not declining before the Europeans arrived. Rather he suggests that this was true only in relative terms, since neighbouring peoples were beginning to improve their defence. Thompson also maintains that the movement north was a gradual process, only partly due to defeat in war. On the question of the succession dispute after the death of Zwangendaba, Thompson sees the various alternative versions as little more than attempts to justify the claims of the various disputants. He sees segmentation and eventual fragmentation as endemic to the dynamics of Ngoni political structure.Here he draws upon the analysis of another investigator of Ngoni history, the anthropologist Barnes<sup>25</sup>. Barnes had noted that the various versions reflect the place from which they had been collected: a matter of which Read was also aware. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Barnes did field work among the Ngoni, but relied also on historical material, including that of Young, Chibambo, Rangeley and Lane Poole. Barnes notes numerous differences in detail in the accounts of his predecessors. His own research led him to depart from all previous accounts in one important respect. Earlier accounts had suggested that Zwangendaba had rebuilt Emveyeyeni on discovering that Mpezeni and his mother survived. Barnes could not find a village of that name during his field work. He suggested rather that Emveyeyeni itself had certainly been destroyed, but that three constituent inferior segments (Emcisweni, Ekwendeni, and Emsizini) had survived the destruction of the superior agnatic lineage section.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Barnes also raised a point of interest regarding Mgayi. He doubts Rangeley's suggestion that Mgayi was Zwangendaba's brother's son, maintaining rather that he would have been Zwangendaba's patrilateral parallel cousin. He points out that adelphic succession was not a Ngoni practice, and suggests rather that Ntabeni and Mgayi acted as regents in turn, on behalf of the younger sons of Zwangendaba. This is broadly in accordance with Cullen Young's version, and bears similarity to some of Lane Pole's speculations. Barnes also notes some difficulties arising from Chibambo's account. He comments that Chibambo does not explain why Ntabeni supported claims of Mpezeni against his own son, or why Ntabeni was passed over.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Barnes has stated in more general terms that there is a specific problem when there is no written history, and only oral evidence can be taken. In such a situation, only legend is available though legend also occurs in literate societies. Ngoni legend is clearly concerned with praise of their past.<sup>26</sup></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The same, of course, is true of all legend. Both Nyirenda and Chibambo clearly wrote with a partisan purpose, and neither claimed to be doing Cullen Young, Yesaya Chibambo and and neither claimed to be doing other-wise. Young sponsored the work of both, and it appears that his main concern was to encourage African writers to put pen to paper; accuracy was only a secondary consideration. He realised that there were distortions and particular axes to grind, but lacked an overall perspective. This is hardly surprising, because the techniques of collection of oral testimony have only recently been developed. Young's anthropological writings were somewhat more sophisticated since by the early thirties Malinowski was beginning to provide the appropriate model for presentation of field data.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Bias, however, is not the same as deliberate falsification, there were no doubt some inaccuracies, and information varied according to its source: but Nyirenda (and Young following him) and Chibambo do not directly contradict each other on important matters of fact. Indeed, where the issue was irrelevant to the relative merits of Ngoni and Tumbuka claims, there was a surprising amount ofunanimity considering that reliable data was so hard to come by. This is seen clearly in the discussion of the succession disputes after the death of Zwangendaba.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><b>Notes</b><div align="justify">1. This article contains a more detailed discussion of the Ngoni than I was able to include in my <i>T Cullen Young:missionary and anthropologist (1989).</i><div align="justify">2. His main Tumbuka studies are: Notes of Speech and History of the Tumbuka-Henga People (1923); Notes on the Customs and Folklore of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples (1931); Notes on the History of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples (1932); and Notes on the Speech of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples (1932). His chief broader discussions of `African culture' areAfri can Ways and Wisdom (1937); and Contemporary Ancestors (1940). See also T.C. Young and H.K. Banda (trans. and eds.), Our African Way of Life (1946). For a complete list of Young's publications seem my T. Cullen Young, 204-12.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">3. Y.M. Chibambo, My Ngoni of Nyasaland (1942).4. Young wrote two articles on his war experiences: `Zovu', Nyasaland Journal 6 (1953) 53-9; and 'The Battle of Karonga', Nyasaland Journal 8 (1956) 27-30. There is also unpublished typescript by Young entitled Nyasaland Operations during the World War, 1914-18', in the Society of Malawi Library, Blantyre, Malawi </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">5. My informant for Cullen Young's Quaker activities is his daughter, Margot Moffett. The article in question is 'The Padre's Talk: what do you think?, Boy's Own Annual No. 62 (1939-40) p.73. He comments that opposite choices could divide families, but that Jesus had come to do this. W.P. Young had written a book on his First World War experiences, entitled A Soldier to the Church, in which he expressed regret that the churches had not spoken with a corporate voice in support of the war.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">6. W.A. Elmslie, Among The Wild Ngoni (1899).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">7. D. Fraser, 'The Zulu ofNyasaland', Proceedings of the Philosophical Society of Glasgow 32 (1900-01) 60-75; Winning a Primitive People (1914). European respect for authoritarian rule in Africa was quite common; cf H.A.C. Cairns, Prelude to Imperialism (1965) 107-8.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">8. S. Nyirenda, 'History of the Tumbuka-Henga People', trans. and ed. by T.C. Young, Bantu Studies 5 (1931) 1-75.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">9. Ibid., p. 74.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">10. Notes on Speech and History, p.83; Notes on History, p. 100 (slightly different wording).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">11. Ibid., 147-8 (earlier ed.); 22-3 revised ed. (slightly different wording).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">12. T.C. Young, 'Tribal Intermixture in Northern Nyasaland', Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 63 (1933) 1 - 18 at p.12.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">13. W.P. Johnson, Nyasa, the Great Water (1922); H.H. Johnston, British Central Africa (1897) F.D. Lugard, The Rise of our East African Empire Vol. 1 (1893); L.M. Fortheringham, Adventures in Nyasaland (1891); F.L Moir, After Livingstone (1923).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">14. Notes on History, p. 9.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">15. Ibid., p. 136. This is not the only occasion on which Cullen Young</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Complained of `Ngoni-isation' of the Tumbuka. See also his letter to the Mzimba DC, 13 Mar. 1931 (In Mzimba District Book, 1907, Malawi National Archives, Zomba); also D. Fraser's letter to Young, 19 Nov. 1929 (National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, MS 7690 no. 284).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">16. Y.M. Chibambo, Midauko (1946).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">17. For Chibambo see J. McCracken, Politics and Christianity in Malawi. 1875-1940 (1977) 246, 251, 263-4; L. Vail and L. White, `Tribalism in the Political History of Malawi', in L. Vail (ed.), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (1989) 151-92 at 160-2 and 182; T.J. Thompson, 'Fraser and the Ngoni' (Edinburgh University Ph.D, 1980).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">18. See, for instance: 'The New African', Other Lands 7 (19270 47-50 at p. 48; The Christian Message of Completion (pamphlet, 12pp.; 1939); `Understanding the Old', International Review of Mission 40 (1951) 450-5 at p. 454: 'I can never forget the illuminating experience of a colleague down among his Lakeshore fold he was told "Sir, don't</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">think that the things you are telling us contradict what we used to believe, no, but they complete what the old folk taught us".</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">19. For Read's bias towards the Ngoni see L. Vail, 'The Making of the "Dead North": a study of the Ngoni rule in northern Malawi, c. 18551907 'in J. Peires (ed.), Before and after Shaka; papers in Ngoni history' (1981) 230-267 at 231-2. Read's principal writings were; The Ngoni of Nyasaland (1956); Children of their Fathers (1959); 'Songs of the Ngoni People', Bantu Studies 11 (1937) 1-35; 'The Moral Code of the Ngoni and their Former Warrior State', Africa 11 (1938) 1-24; 'The Nguni and Western Education' in V.W.Turner (ed.), Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960 Vol. 3 (1971) 346-92.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">20. T.C. Young, letter to W.H.J. Rangely, 11 May 1952 (Rangeley Papers, Society of Malawi Library, Blantyre, Malawi).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">21. W.H.J. Rangeley, `Mtwalo', Nyasaland Journal 6 (1952) 55 - 70.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">22. E.H. Lane Poole, The Native Tribes of the Eastern Province of Northern Rhodesia (1949)23. J.K. Rennie, 'The Ngoni States and European Intrusion' in E. Stokes and R. Brown (eds.), The Zambezian Past (1966). Johnston, H.H., British Central Africa (London;. Methuen, 1897). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">24. T.J. Thompson, 'Fraser and the Ngoni'; and 'The Origins, Migration and Settlement of the Northern Ngoni', Society of Malawi Journal, 38 (1985) 6-35. Lugard, F.D., The Rise of our East African Empire. 2 vols (Edinburgh; Blackwood, 1893). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">25. J.A. Barnes, Politics in a Changing Society (1954) McCracken, J., Politics and Christianity in Malawi, 1875-1940: the Impact ofthe Livingstonia Mission in the Northern Province (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1977). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">26. J.A. Barnes, 'History in a Changing Society'. Rhodes-Livingstone Journal 1 1 (1951) 1-9. Moir, F.L., After Livingstone; an African trade romance (London; Hodder and Stoughton, 1923). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Nyirenda, S., 'History of the Tumbuka-Henga People' trans. and ed. by T.C. Young, Bantu Studies 5 (1931) 1-75. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Pieres, J., (ed.), Before and after Shakes; papers in Ngoni history' (Grahamstown; Rhodes University Press, 1981). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Poole, E.H., Lane, The Native Tribes of the Eastern Province of Northern Rhodesia (Lusaka; Government Printer, 1949). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Rangeley, W.H.J., `Mtwalo', Nyasaland Journal 5 (1952) 55-70. Read, M.H., Children of their Fathers (London; Methuen, 1959). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Read, M.H., 'The Moral Code of the Ngoni and their Former Military State', Africa, 11 (1938) 1-24. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Read, M.H., 'The Ngoni and Western Education', in V.W. Turner (ed.) Colonialism in Africa, 1870-1960 vol.3 (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1971) 346-92. 1980)</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Thompson, T.J., 'The Origins, Migration and Settlement oftheNorthern Ngoni', Society of Malawi Journal, 38 (1985) 6-35.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Vail, L., (ed.) The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (London; Currey, 1989).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Vail, L., 'The Making of the Dead North; a study of the Ngoni rule in northern Malawi', in J. Peires (ed.), Before and after Shaka, 230-67.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Vail, L., and White, L., 'Tribalism in the Political History of Malawi', in L. Vail (ed.), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa 151-92.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., African Ways and Wisdom (London, United Society for Christian Literature, 1937).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., 'The Battle of Karonga', Nyasaland Journal 8 (1955) 27- 38.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., The Christian Message ofCompletion (London; Universities Mission to Central Africa, 1939).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., ContemporaryAncestor (London; Religious Tract Society, 1940).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., 'The New African', Other Lands 7 (1927) 47-50.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., Notes on the Customs and Folklore of the TumbukaKamanga Peoples (Livingstonia; Mission Press, 1931).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., Notes on the History of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples in the Northern Province of Nyasaland (London; Religious Tract Society, 1932.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., Notes on the speech of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples in the Northern Province of Nyasaland (London; Religious Tract Society, 1932).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., Notes on the Speech and History of the Tumbuka-Henga Peoples (Livingstonia; Mission Press, 1923)></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., 'The Padre's Talk; what do you think?', Boy's Own Annual 62 (1939-40) 73.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., 'Tribal Intermithe Royal Anthropological Institute 63 (1933) 1-18. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., 'Understanding the old', International Review ofMissions 40 (1951) 450-5.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., `Zovu', Nyasaland Journal 6 (1953) 53-9.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, T.C., and Banda, H.K. (eds), Our African Way of Life (London; Lutterworth, 1946).</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Young, W.P., A Soldier to the Church (London; SCM, 1919). Archival Sources</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland: United Free Church of Scotland, MSS 7556-7980</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Blantyre (Malawi), Society ofMa lawi Library: T.C. Young, ' Nyasaland Operations during the World War 1914-18' (typescript: n.d.) Rangeley Papers.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Zomba, Malawi National Archives: Mzimba District Books, 1928-32</div><div align="justify">Read, M.H., The Ngoni of Nyasaland (London; Oxford University Press, 1956. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Read, M.H., 'Songs of the Ngoni People', Bantu Studies, 11 (1937) 1- 35. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Rennie, J.K., 'The Ngoni States and European Intrusion', in E. Stokes and R. Brown, (eds), The Zambezian Past, 302-21. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Stokes, E., and Brown, R., (eds.), The Zambezian Past: studies in Central African history, (Manchester; Manchester University Press, 1966). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Thompson, T.J., 'Fraser and the Ngoni' (Edinburgh University Ph.D., </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><b>BIBLIOGRAPHY</b> </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Barnes, J.A., 'History in a Changing society', RhodesLivingstoneJournal, 11 (1951) 1-9. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Barnes, J.A., Politics in a Changing Society (Cape Town; Oxford University Press, 1954). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Cairns, H.A.C., Prelude to Imperialism (London; Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Chibambo, Y.M., Midauko (Livingstonia; Mission Press, 1946). Chibambo Y.M., My Ngoni of Nyasaland. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Elmslie, W.A., Among the Wild Ngoni (Edinburgh; Oliphand and Ferrier, 1899). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Forester, P.G., T. Cullen Young; missionary and anthropologist (Hull; Hull University Press, 1989). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Fotheringham, L.M., Adventures in Nyassaland (London; Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1891. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Fraser, D., Winning a Primitive People (London; Seeley Service, 1914). </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Fraser, D., 'The Zulu of Nyasaland; their manners and customs', Proceedings of the Philosophical Society of Glasgow 32 (1900-1) 60- 75. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Johnson. W.P., Nyasa, the Great Water (London; Milford, 1922)</div></div></div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-63036314281688323612011-06-19T22:15:00.000+01:002011-06-19T22:15:39.560+01:00Shaka Zulu Film: 'We are Growing' lyrics And Video (Margaret Singana)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Those that have seen the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2009/08/angoni-by-whj-rangeley.html">Shaka Zulu</a> series produced by the South African Broadcasting Corporation </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">in 1989</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> will mostly remember this anthem, 'We are Growing'. This is a song sang by one of the best South African music exports Margaret Singana. It is one of those few songs that capture your attention in ways few songs can. This lady was a great singer and will always be remembered for her skills. May we all join her in saying Bayethe Inkosi. As my ngoni ancestors used to sing <i>'<a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/songs-of-ngoni-people-lullabies-umsindo.html">Umhlaba kawunoni</a>, </i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 22px;"><em>Uqed' amakhosi-khosi </em></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 22px;"><em>Siyakufel' emhlabeni na? Nhi hi hi hi! </em>and I would add <i>uqed' amakhosikazi</i> for she was a prince of Zulu music. Below are the words of the song.</span></span></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: verdana, arial; font-size: x-small;"><br />
</span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.youtube.com/embed/VMQnYRTUikk?feature=player_embedded' frameborder='0'></iframe></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: verdana, arial; font-size: x-small;"><br />
</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">we are men off greatness now,<br />
a men so tall a men so kind,<br />
we are men off he's come now,<br />
we are men off kindness now,<br />
a men so be and strong mind,<br />
this is what you are,<br />
this is how we planned now,<br />
this is what to be,<br />
and that kind of men now,<br />
this is what to see,<br />
with that kind of meaning,<br />
this is what to feel,<br />
with that kind of feeling,<br />
<br />
refrein:<br />
we are growing,<br />
growing malamhaja (3x)<br />
<br />
hear the children, (2x)<br />
they are talking to you,<br />
hear the wind blow, (2x)<br />
it is coming for you,<br />
see the grass grow, (2x)<br />
it wispers his name,<br />
see the flame blow, (2x)<br />
it's hard to the flame<br />
<br />
aheja (3x)</span></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-90485251550735703352011-06-18T18:28:00.003+01:002011-12-12T12:26:39.245+00:00Zulu King Dingane's Attack on Lourenco Marques in 1833<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Author(s): <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/nguni-migrations-between-delagoa-bay.html">Gerhard Liesegang</a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Source: The Journal of African History, Vol. 10, No. 4 (1969), pp. 565-579</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Published by: Cambridge University Press</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">IN 1855 J. William Colenso wrote that he believed that one of the first British settlers in Natal, Henry Francis Fynn, regarded 'the memory of Shaka, notwithstanding his great cruelties, with some respect, and considers him to have been a man of spirit and genius, and not merely a brutal and abominable despot, like his brother <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dingane_kaSenzangakhona" rel="nofollow">Dingaan</a>. He thinks that his severities were, in a manner, almost necessary-like those of Napoleon or Robespierre, to maintain his power.'<sup>1</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In a recent paper Felix Okoye<sup>2</sup> pointed out that <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/06/artist-impression-of-life-in-maseko.html">Dingane</a>'s 'brutalities' make sense if we accept the same frame of explanation proposed by Colenso for Shaka's actions. Dingane had to deal with problems different from <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/stabbing-of-shaka-and-ndwandwe-war-that.html">Shaka</a>'s, among them those caused by the presence of Europeans living atPort Natal. It would also be somewhat off the mark to regard Dingane's reign as only a period of decay. At least until 1835 the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/06/some-zulu-customs-and-traditions-1911.html">Zulu</a> were still expanding northwards into the area inhabited by the Tsonga. It is even possible that Manukuza Soshangana, king of the <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/nguni-migrations-between-delagoa-bay.html">Gaza Nguni</a> or Shangana, who is reputed to have sojourned in an area north of the Save river probably between 1836 and 1838,<sup>3</sup> left the Limpopo area where he had been living before in order to be less exposed to a Zulu attack.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Dingane's attack on Lourenco Marques should be seen against this background of Zulu expansion, though the events themselves may be interpreted as a reaction on the part of some Tsonga chiefs and the Zulu king himself to the actions of one particular governor against whom and whose personal dependents their attack was directed. In so far as the hostilities were directed against one person or one group of Europeans only, there is a parallel to Dingane's contemplated attack on Cane in 1831 and to the assault on Piet Retief's and other Boer groups in 1838.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The main outline of the events described below is known, as they have been treated by A. Lobato, J. D. Omer-Cooper and J. J. Teixeira Botelho, whose accounts differ from that advanced by Theal, who underrated the importance of the Zulu in the area of <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/tentative-chronology-of-ngoni-genealogy.html">Lourenco Marques</a> and ascribed to the Gaza Nguni more importance than they had before i840.<sup>4</sup> The emphasis therefore is on the social and political conditions between 1829 and 1833.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiktCwNGAEIYSwDtG5K2eW8ZohK9Q4Ko6upzXyi6C_T7qknzOXHGtvQeE42sBZvhasS6JgqmAo_2bVHInECKyqiDVVUHEI6X1N2PkQ69VjuJuv2mFLcH0lDJRpFihMZh5DUF56BD9ru4Go/s1600/image002.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiktCwNGAEIYSwDtG5K2eW8ZohK9Q4Ko6upzXyi6C_T7qknzOXHGtvQeE42sBZvhasS6JgqmAo_2bVHInECKyqiDVVUHEI6X1N2PkQ69VjuJuv2mFLcH0lDJRpFihMZh5DUF56BD9ru4Go/s640/image002.gif" width="528" /></span></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">Fig. i. The shaded area shows the approximate northern limit of the area inhabited by peoples paying tribute to Dingane in 1835. -- - Modern international boundaries. Ch., Chirinda; Ma., Mamalungo; Mach., Machichongue;MF., Mafumo; M., Magaia; MV., Mavota. Less-known political units only shown for the neighbourhood of Lourenco Marques.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In 1829 Lourenco Marques was little more than a fortified trading post. A garrison was maintained by the Portuguese government to prevent other European powers from taking possession of Delagoa Bay, but this hardly restricted the activity of British, French and American ships coming to trade.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The trade was of two kinds: (a) to obtain foodstuffs and (b) to obtain export goods. Export goods consisted of ivory, hippopotamus teeth, rhinoceros horns, slaves, ambergris, etc. (Slaves were important for Lourenco Marques from about 1825 to 1831. They were exported mainly to Brazil and French territories.) Foodstuffs were needed chiefly for the garrison, and consisted of cereals (maize and millet), cattle and (for the crews of European ships) also vegetables. The Africans exchanged these commodities for brass bangles (manilhas de pescofo or m. de mao), beads (several varieties) and cloth (mainly dark blue cotton).<sup>5</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">It seems that before I826 most of the supercargoes of the ships visiting Delagoa Bay purchased either directly from chiefs and African traders, who were not controlled by the Portuguese, or from the garrison. Governors and officers were trading on a large scale. There was probably only one European who lived on trade alone. To obtain the necessary trade and European consumer goods, many of the Europeans at Louren9o Marques had fixed trade partners in Mozambique or on Brazilian ships. The system of trade changed a little when a trading company, which had received a monopoly for the ivory trade of Delagoa Bay, established a 'factory' at Louren9o Marques in 1826. As it purchased directly from the Africans, it competed with the garrison. This competition had its repercussions in government records.<sup>6</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The population which was living inside Portuguese territory in 1829 may be divided into three sections:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">(1) Government personnel, including soldiers, civil servants and their respective retinues of slaves and servants. Two or three Europeans, principally engaged in trade but probably independent from the company,could also be included here.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">(2) The company agent and other employees (probably three to seven Europeans and a number of slaves of the company).</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">(3) The African population living in the territory controlled by the governor (three or four hundred at most).<sup>7</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">It is about the first section that we know most, since the existing records are government records. It is difficult to decide if the neighbouring chiefs were aware of the fact that the Portuguese government had attributed different functions to the first two sections. Perhaps the individual differences and the fact that the exponents of both were Europeans and interested in trade blurred the distinction. The first section was certainly the larger. In I830, for example, it consisted of eight officers, 73 soldiers (many of them natives), and several civilians.<sup>8</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The structure of the population was different from that of Inhambane, the next Portuguese settlement up the coast, and also from that of Port Natal, a settlement of British traders founded in 1824. At Inhambane there was a comparatively large civil population made up of Christians and Muslims dependent on trade and subsistence cultivation. Inhambane also possessed a municipal organization equal to that of other small Portuguese towns, something which did not exist in Lourenfo Marques. A common feature with Louren9o Marques was the nearly complete absence of Indian traders from Diu and Gujerat (Banians), who probably did not begin to arrive until about 840. At Port Natal there were no agents of any European government. The traders staying there with their African retinues did not live together, and they only united when special issues were at stake.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The size of the native population subject to the Portuguese depended partly on the activity of the governors. In the nineteenth century they nearly always exerted some kind of suzerainty over part of Mafumo, the chiefdom in which the fort was situated. The other chiefdoms near Delagoa Bay (Maputo, Tembe, Matola, Moamba, Mavota, Magaia-see map) were not subject to the Portuguese in 1829.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Relations with Moamba and Maputo, and probably also with Magaia,had been mostly friendly. Between Mafumo and Mavota, and consequently also between the Portuguese and Mavota, there had been military engagements in i8I3-4.<sup>9</sup> In 1824 the governor, Miguel Lupi de Cardinas, was killed in Matola with some 45 soldiers after attempting to conquer Mavota,which had been tributary to Matola. The remaining Portuguese had to enlist help from Tembe against Matola.<sup>10</sup> On the arrival of Cardinas's successor, Schmid von Belliken, the fighting ended.<sup>11</sup> Peace with Matola seems to have been maintained until 1830, or so long as the governors did not revert to the policy of expanding the Portuguese territory.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The type of government of these chiefdoms, or small states, was a kind of monarchy. They would come into Vansina's category of 'regal kingdoms', as it seems that most of the district chiefs belonged to the patrilineage of the chief or king.<sup>12</sup> Probably none of these states had more than 15,000 inhabitants, possibly often much less. The more powerful and able of these chiefs exerted some kind of hegemony over their neighbours. Sometimes they even tried to incorporate the territories of weaker neighbours into their own chiefdoms; for example, the chief of Matola attempted to take over Mavota and part of Mafumo in I833-4.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">II</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Some years before 1829 a major change had begun to take place in the political structure of South East Africa. In the course of this process, which has received considerable attention from historians in recent years,the Zulu state under Shaka expanded very quickly.<sup>13</sup> When Shaka became king in about 1816, he was the head of a small vassal state of the Mthethwa. When he was assassinated in I828, he was the ruler of the larger part of Natal and of some adjoining territories. Shaka's wars appear to have been the reason why several groups, probably numbering a few thousand each,left northern Natal in about 1820. From oral tradition it is evident that three or four groups passed not very far from Louren9o Marques, but the names of only two of these are to be found in contemporary reports on Delagoa Bay. In Portuguese letters from Lourengo Marques there is also information that one group-hitherto unidentified-attacked chiefdoms in the vicinity of Louren9o Marques (among them Tembe, Matola, and Moamba) in July 182I and even menaced the Portuguese settlement itself. The invaders were pacified by presents of beads and <i>manilhas</i>.<sup>14</sup> It is possible that they belonged to either Soshangana's (Manukuza's) or Zwangendaba's Nguni, who were to come into contact with members of W. F. W. Owen's expedition in the following year.<sup>15</sup> These two groups lived for a few years not far from Lourenco Marques, and probably collected tribute in Tembe and neighbouring chiefdoms. In about 1824 or 1825 Zwangendaba, who already in I822 had been located a little north of Soshangana, moved to what is now the northern Transvaal, and in 1835 he crossed the Zambezi.<sup>16</sup> Soshangana, founder of the kingdom of the Gaza Nguni, continued to live south of the Zambezi. In about 1827 he moved on to the Limpopo,<sup>17</sup> probably in order to avoid being too close to Shaka's territory.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Shaka, king of the Zulu, was known in Maputo in 1823. H. F. Fynn, who visited chief Makhasana of Maputo in that year, recorded that the chief had 'only lately' offered his daughter Shishaka to Shaka for '55 bullocks. He [i.e. Shaka] refused to give that price and sent a small band of Orentonts [Nguni, in this case Zulu] to take her by force, which however they did not accomplish.'<sup>18</sup> The missionary, Threlfall, who visited Makhasana in September of the same year, did not mention this incident, but stated that he met some of Shaka's subjects in Maputo.<sup>19</sup> I assume that Shaka did not yet dominate Maputo at that date, though he may have intended to show his superior power by refusing to pay for Makhasana's daughter. But both Maputo and Tembe were probably his tributaries when his troops suffered a reverse in a battle against Soshangana on the banks of the Nkomati in 1828, at about the same time as he was murdered.<sup>20</sup> Jose Antonio Teixeira, who then governed Lourenco Marques, reported that it had not been touched by the wars among the natives, but that he had had to pacify Makhasana and Soshangana with <i>saguates</i> (presents or tribute).<sup>21</sup> This, incidentally, seems to be the earliest of the surviving Portuguese references to Soshangana, written more than</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">six years after he had been met with near Lourengo Marques by members of W. F. W. Owen's expedition. There is silence concerning trade between Shaka and the Portuguese<sup>22</sup> and concerning exchanges of embassies between them. This may be because the trade belonged to the private sphere of the governors and most embassies were about trade, but in addition one has to take into account the fact that only a small fraction of the letters written by the governors has been preserved. This lack of evidence could indicate that contacts with Shaka were less frequent than with his successor Dingane, whose name appears several times in Portuguese documents. On the other hand, it is interesting to note that, in an account of the Nguni invasion mainly based on oral tradition collected about seventy miles north of Lourenco Marques, Dingane's name does not appear at all, though Shaka's does.<sup>23</sup> Possibly Shaka's wars were subsumed under those of Dingane.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">III</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">On 6 October 1829, little more than a year after the death of Shaka, Dionisio Antonio Ribeiro succeeded Teixeira as governor of Lourenco Marques.<sup>24</sup> He had occasion to send an official embassy to Dingane when, two months after his arrival, on 10 December 1829, some Portuguese arrived from Dingane accompanied by people sent by the Zulu king. The Portuguese had wanted to go from Sofala to Mozambique by boat, but had been shipwrecked at Port Natal. There they had been well received by one of the British settlers, who had also accompanied them to Dingane as an interpreter.<sup>25</sup> Ribeiro immediately sent a present as thanks for the good reception.<sup>26</sup> The Governor-General at Mozambique did the same some months later, and addressed a letter to the serenissimo Reis dos Vatuas-Tingane.<sup>27</sup> According to Ribeiro, this second present, which was accompanied by another to be conveyed to the Englishman at Port Natal who had helped the shipwrecked travellers, was refused by Dingane, who said that the beads were big and not small like those an independent Portuguese trader at Lourenco Marques, Nascimento<sup>28</sup>, had sent, apparently at about the same time. Ribeiro reports that Dingane then transmitted a message to Louren9o Marques that he should become his tributary 'as all the other kings' of the area. He should send a <i>saguate</i> like Nascimento, otherwise</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">he would come with his people and make Nascimento governor. Ribeiro wrote to the Governor-General that he answered by showing the messengers artillery and giving them two cannon-balls and two cartridges, saying that these were the finest beads he had to pay tribute with. Dingane was said to have answered by sending seven head of cattle, saying that he had been misled by Nascimento.<sup>29</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The report on the bad reception of the presents, Dingane's message, etc., is dated 30 October 1830. The presents themselves had been sent between 21 May and 15 June.<sup>30</sup> By 21 July, those who had accompanied them had not yet returned. But at that date Ribeiro had already suggested that the Governor General should force Nascimento to retire to Mozambique.<sup>31</sup> At the beginning of August, when Dingane asked Ribeiro to become his tributary and threatened to make Nascimento governor, Nascimento fled on a French ship.<sup>32</sup> It may be that Ribeiro's description as well as Dingane's final answer were influenced by these circumstances. In any case, Dingane's offer to make someone else governor is quite interesting, as it is what seems to have taken place three years later. The offensive present of cannon-balls and cartridges did not pass unnoticed, as it was mentioned when Ribeiro was executed three years later. But for the time being there was no sign of a worsening of relations between Dingane and the Portuguese governor.<sup>33</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">From December 1830 until May 183I the Portuguese, aided by African allies, made several expeditions against a son of the chief of Matola, who governed Mavota, and also against the chief of Matola himself. In January 183I there were even one hundred men from the 'king of the Vatuas' among the allies.34 Although the name of this king is not given, it seems probable that it was Dingane, for in July Ribeiro wrote in a letter givinginformation on St. Lucia Bay:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">... Dingana had already had for a very long time a war with a certain king of that place. The said Dingana, however, could never win. He therefore sent to ask me for help to beat the aforementioned king. In consequence of his having offered himself promptly when he knew of the war which I had with the king of Matola, I decided that it was my duty to help him in identical circumstances and sent him 5 soldiers and 5 negroes, good marksmen from this settlement, provided with powder and balls. This was sufficient for Dingana to win...within two days....<sup>35</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In April 1832 Ribeiro received the tribute of corn from the chief of Matola which had been agreed upon in 1831.<sup>36</sup> In January 1832 the Portuguese flag had been hoisted in Magaia. Before July of that year, Ribeiro had also conquered a small territory between Mavota and Magaia, Libombo, and hoisted a flag in Chirinda.<sup>37</sup> In April of the following year the Portuguese flag was hoisted in Moamba.<sup>38</sup> It seems that this was done without warfare and that the expeditions against Mavota, Matola, and Libombo between December 1830 and July 1832 were the only wars Ribeiro made on his neighbours. The agent of the trading company reported later that Ribeiro had these flags hoisted, having been assisted in some way by Soshangana, king of the Gaza Nguni,<sup>39</sup> who lived on the Limpopo River at this time (see map). If this were true, it could account for later difficulties with Dingane, as Soshangana was not on good terms with the Zulu king. Ribeiro himself does not mention Soshangana in any of the letters which are now in Lisbon. But as these letters do not contain any evidence on the relations between Dingane and Ribeiro during the latter half of 1831 or in I832 either, the account given by the agent of the trading company, Nobre, may be regarded as reliable. From his account,which is the fullest which exists on the death of Ribeiro, it can be inferred that Ribeiro sent a present or tribute to Dingane in 1832,<sup>40</sup> but no details are given as to when and how relations between them worsened. They were already bad in May 1833. On the 28th of that month he asked the government at Mozambique to send a saguate to Dingane </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">that might not happen what has happened this time, that he, not satisfied with the <i>saguate</i> I had sent him, immediately sent order to all the kings of this region to close the ports and not allow anybody to come and sell anything to this fort.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">He sent a sample of the beads used by Dingane, big <i>manilhas</i> and dark cloth, and explained</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">... the negroes now have very critical eyes; they were accustomed to the abundance, which existed in the times of the slave trade; the answer they give is that the white people always have money and don't want to give it to them.<sup>41</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Perhaps Ribeiro only describes one aspect of his difficulties with Dingane, as the slave trade with Brazil had become illegal in February 1830, and Nathaniel Isaacs, who visited Lourenco Marques in 1831, declared that trade depended entirely on the export of ivory.<sup>42</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">IV</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Two months later, on 26 July 1833, a Zulu army accompanied by auxiliaries from Matola and Maputo appeared in front of Lourenco Marques and burnt some of the native villages nearby. Two days after this it received a large present for Dingane from Ribeiro and retired. Troops from Matola, however, continued the hostilities (mainly, it seems, against natives of Mafumo). In September, about forty days after the Zulu army had retired, a warning came from chief Makhasana of Maputo advising Ribeiro to leave Lourenco Marques. The Zulu had arrived in Maputo and had sent to Tembe, Matola, Magaia, Chirinda, and Moamba for auxiliaries in order to make an attack on the Portuguese fort. Ribeiro retired to Chefina Island, about ten miles east of Louren9o Marques. Nobre, the factor of the trading company, who was against leaving Louren9o Marques, and some soldiers were left in the settlement. On 17 September, eight days after the warning given by Makhasana, the fort-but not the houses of the company-were sacked by the Zulu. Nobre had persuaded the soldiers not to offer resistance. He also gave a <i>saguate</i> and asked for and</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">received ten Zulu to protect him from the Zulu auxiliaries.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Ribeiro stayed three more weeks on Chefina Island and left on 7 October in a boat, because on the same day Zulu troops had taken up positions on the mainland opposite Chefina, and his allies from Mafumo and some soldiers had fled. According to Nobre's detailed report, Ribeiro wanted to go to Magaia and from there to Soshangana (whom he had invited toattack Matola<sup>43</sup>), but was driven to the coast by bad weather before he got there. Three of Ribeiro's men were killed, and he himself captured, taken to Lourengo Marques on the 12th, and executed on the following morning.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Nobre says that the Zulu leaders had already told him on 16 September that they had orders from Dingane to kill Ribeiro. He also reports that before the execution a speech was made to the governor and to all present with the following content:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">This governor will die because of his treachery and tyranny-for having usurped the land of the King Dingana and [of] Machacana, made war on him without motive, sent his people to Mozambique..., having had flags hoisted in the lands of those kings without their consent [and] under the force of arms, [and] sent powder and ball to King Dingana.<sup>44</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">During the next ten months, Nobre, who after the sacking of the fort was the only one able to dispose of a large amount of trade goods, acted as governor, though he would not have been acceptable to the government in Mogambique. From October to July he sent six embassies to Dingane and received eight from him. Usually more than 35 days passed before the envoys sent to Dingane returned with an answer. From March onwards, the Zulu leading the embassies were not the same as the two who had led the war. One of the Zulu leaders of the troops which had attacked Lourengo Marques was said to have been executed by Dingane.<sup>45</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The fact that Nobre had taken over the functions of the governor was reported by Ribeiro's successor Vasconcellos in October 1834 in the following words:... Machacane and the Vatuas [Zulu] had entrusted this agent with the government...<sup>46</sup> Nobre says that he insisted on two occasions that the Government and the company were different institutions, but it seems that these protests had no effect.<sup>47</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The British trader, Henry Francis Fynn, who had visited Dingane's kraal probably in May 1834, and met there two Portuguese subjects, largely supports Nobre's account of Ribeiro's death:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">During my visit to Dingaan, I had some conversation with two Portuguese soldiers from Delagoa Bay. I was very much surprised to hear from them that their Governor Deneis [Dionisio Antonio Ribeiro] was put to death on May last [sic] by a commando from the Zoola chief, and the present Governor was named Newburg [Nobre]. After hearing the whole of the circumstances, I determined on questioning Dingaan, having doubts as to the possibilities of his putting to death a governor who had fort and soldiery under his command, and including, if true, how improbable it appeared that another governor so directly after the occurrence should be on such amicable terms with Dingaan as to send him presents of brass and beads, for which purpose the soldiers had come. On my questioning Dingaan,he shewed evident symptoms of surprise, and asked who were my informants;</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">and when I acquainted him appeared much to regret I had gained the intelligence: After a few moments' consideration, he told me, almost in the same words as the two soldiers, that he had sent to the Governor to demand a quantity of brass, which was refused him, under an appearance of his having none. Dingaan knowing he had brass [i.e. manilhas], sent a force to put him to death. But the Governor, having previously heard of the force coming, proposed giving 100 large bangles to pacify his anger. The force returned with the brass, but on their arrival at Dingaan's he ordered them immediately to return and fulfil his former orders, when they succeeded in putting him to death.<sup>48</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A little less than a month after Fynn's account had been published in Grahamstown, another European trader, Collis, wrote a somewhat differing account at Port Natal:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: x-small;">... in my relations with the king of the Zoolahs, he shows every disposition to continue upon the most friendly terms, and is determined to punish all those that ran away from him last year, and circulated reports, tending to alarm the white man. He has executed two, since my return, for this offence. In my dealings with him, he has acted with the greatest fairness, and has supplied me with 4,000 lbs of the very finest ivory.. .and swears he will not, in future, deal with any other; I have so happily hit his taste, as to beads and cloth...</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">And then, turning to Lourenco Marques: 'The governor (Dennis), a Swiss [sic], has been assassinated by the Captain second in Command. An attempt was made to induce me to believe that he was killed through the influence of Dingaan; but this was said, merely to intimidate me...'<sup>49</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Fynn's report about Lourengo Marques had been published at a critical moment. Dingane, Collis and another trader, Cane, were trying to convince the governor of the Cape and the South African public that rumours circulating in the previous year that Dingane contemplated an attack on Port Natal had been unfounded, and that he desired 'to continue on friendly terms with the white people'.<sup>50</sup> By his account Fynn showed that this rumour had some foundation. Though Dingane's friendly disposition in I834 cannot be questioned, there is not sufficient evidence to support Collis's report that the governor had been assassinated by the second in command (or by Nobre). In June 1835 two envoys of Dingane stated at Lourenco Marques that Ribeiro had been killed by Nobre and Machakane of Matola.<sup>51</sup> But this statement was made more than a month after the Portuguese there had begun to collect evidence against Nobre. It is also inconsistent with the fact that Machakane was a vassal of Dingane and in the presence of Zulu<sup>52</sup>-would hardly dare to attack a trading post not entirely unimportant to Dingane. There can be little doubt that the Zulu king gave orders for Ribeiro to be killed, but denied this later in order to create a more friendly climate when dealing with Europeans. It is possible that Dingane acted on the initiative of Machakane of Matola, and was well informed about the internal dissensions among the Portuguese.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Okoye has drawn attention to the fact that Dingane always tried to avoid conflict with the Europeans in general, perhaps contrary to what they expected. Also, in the case of Ribeiro the Zulu limited their hostilities to his interpreter, two soldiers who were caught with him, and the soldier who had brought the cannon-ball and the cartridges to Dingane in 1830. The fact that some Zulu were especially commissioned to kill this soldier too<sup>53</sup> indicates that the motive Fynn mentioned in his report (Ribeiro's refusal to send a present when he had the means to do so had to be punished) was only a minor issue. Dingane may have wanted to punish someone who on several previous occasions had acted too independently. He certainly knew that there were two rival groups in Lourengo Marques. Unfortunately nothing is known about Nobre's and Machakane's relations with Dingane before the Zulu troops took possession of the fort in September 1833. It cannot be excluded, therefore, that one or both of them gave information to Dingane convincing the Zulu king that Ribeiro was disloyal.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Fynn's and Nobre's reports would suggest that Dingane regarded Ribeiro as his subject and simply acted accordingly, placing less importance on his being white than the Europeans did.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In the published accounts which are based on oral tradition there seems to be no reference to Dingane's attack on Lourenco Marques. This may be of methodological interest. Was the attack an insignificant incident in the eyes of the Zulu, or was it something which Bryant and others came</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">to know about but did not publish because it would contradict Theal, who had stated that Soshangana had been the author of the attack? (Theal's version had been available since 1896.<sup>54</sup>)</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">V</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">From October I833 to March I834, Machakane of Matola, whose troops had done most of the fighting, was collecting the fruits of the victory. He put several of his sons in charge of Mafumo55 and frequently sent some ivory to Nobre, exacting much more than its value in return. According to Nobre, the chiefs of Tembe and Maputo had informed Dingane of Machakane's requisitions before he did so himself. In March he asked for and received five Zulu to protect him from Machakane's extortions. In April Dingane ordered communications, including trade, between Matola and the Portuguese to stop. (This is a parallel to the measures taken against Ribeiro in May 1833.)</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">On 9 June 1834, Nobre was informed confidentially that Dingane was planning a war against Machakane. The chief of Matola was to be attacked from two directions; one of the armies was to cross from Tembe to Lourenco Marques in Portuguese boats. At the end of June, Matola was in fact attacked. But as the chief and the population had fled to Moamba, and the invading troops, composed of contingents from Maputo and Tembe and a number of Zulu,<sup>56</sup> retired after some seven days, there was not much fighting. A consequence of Machakane's defeat was the revision of his recent territorial arrangements. His sons who had been in charge of Mafumo had fled with their father. The chief of Mafumo, who with his people had found refuge in Magaia, was now called back in the name of Dingane by some of the Zulu.<sup>57</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">On 21 August 1834, Ribeiro's successor, Dario Rodrigues de Vasconcellos, arrived at Lourengo Marques, where he had already stayed in 1829 and I830. Two days after his arrival, an embassy came from Dingane, asking for the saguate (present or tribute). It was explained that owing to</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">the current difficulties of the Portuguese government (the civil war, which the constitutionalists had won, had only ended a short time before) saguates could not always be given. The embassy returned before 9 October, demanding about five times as much as had been given by Nobre in September I833.<sup>58</sup> In Lisbon there is no document stating how much was actually paid to Dingane's envoys. In the following year another saguate was requested.<sup>59</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In 1834 the Zulu were firmly holding the whole northern shore of Delagoa Bay and probably most of the chiefdoms south of the Nkomati.<sup>60</sup> But it seems that they never advanced much farther. One reason may have been that the Swazi shook off Zulu rule in 1835 or 1836 <sup>61</sup> The Swazi (and, of course, the Boers) occupied the attention of Dingane from 1836</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">onwards. Lourenco Marques was apparently only menaced again by Zulu in 1847.<sup>62</sup> By then, however, the Zulu had lost the northern shore of Delagoa Bay. But south of it, in Tembe and Maputo, they retained some influence until 1879, the year Cetshwayo was attacked, beaten and exiled. In Cetshwayo's time the Zulu still maintained diplomatic relations with the governors of Lourenco Marques, and received from Maputo a 'tribute of cat and monkey skins, dark cloth or zuartes, manilhas and even money'.<sup>63</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">SUMMARY</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The reasons for Dingane's attack on Lourenco Marques in 1833 may have been (a) the policy of expansion pursued by governor Ribeiro, which Machakane of Matola and perhaps Dingane himself may have tried to check, (b) lack of caution in treating Dingane, (c) perhaps also inability to meet Dingane's demands (this may have been due to economic difficulties after the partial breakdown of the slave trade in 1830), (d) the fact that Ribeiro probably maintained relations with Soshangana (which has been stressed by Lobato). Dingane seems to have regarded the governor as one of his subjects, although the Portuguese did not regard themselves as his subjects but as depending on Mozambique.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In the period I830-1838, the Zulu seem to have been more important for LourenCo Marques than any other Nguni group, as they were dominating many of the territories near it. In that period the Zulu empire included people of a language different from that of the majority, who do not seem to have been integrated into the Zulu nation through the national regimental system in the same way as Nguni groups subjected by the Zulu. In 1831-4 Zulu armies fighting near Lourenco Marques consisted of a few hundred Zulu warriors assisted by groups of auxiliaries (probably totalling 2,000-3,000 men) furnished by the local chiefs.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The Zulu king did not take sides permanently. In 1831 his men fought with Ribeiro against Matola, in 1833 with Matola against Ribeiro, and in 1834 with the Portuguese against Matola. A short account of the trade system, of the population of Lourenco Marques, and some data on Nguni migrations are also given in order to provide a background for the article.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Footnote</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"></div><ol><li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">John William Colenso, Ten Weeks in Natal: A journal of a first tour of visitation among the colonists and Zulu Kafirs of Natal (Cambridge, 1855), 224.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Felix N. C. Okoye, 'Dingane: a reappraisal', J. Afr. Hist. x, 2 (1969), 237-52. I am indebted to Professor J. D. Fage for sending me an advance copy of this article and for some constructive criticism on an earlier draft which also benefited from helpful comments from Dr Shula Marks and Mr David Hedges. I also have to thank Janet Hinshaw and Peggy Luswazi for correcting my English.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">cf. A. Grandjean, 'L'invasion des Zoulou dans le sud-est Africain,' Bull. de la Soc. Neuchdteloise de Geogr. xi (I899), 75-7; G. Liesegang, Beitrdge zur Geschichte des Reiches der Gaza Nguni im sidlichen Mofambique, 1820-1895 (Koln 1968), 51-2.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Alexandre Lobato, Quatro estudos e uma evocadao para a historia de Lourenfo Marques(Lisbon, 1961); John D. Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath (London, 1966), 43; J. J. Teixeira Botelho, Hist6ria militar e politica dos Portugueses em Mofambique de 1833 aos nossos dias (Lisbon, 1936); G. McC. Theal, History of South Africa from 1795 to 1872, v, 3rd ed. (1920), I28-40.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">cf. Lobato, Quatro Estudos; [Henry Francis] Fynn, Delagoa Bay, in Theal, Records of S.E. Africa, II, 479-488; Francisco Santana, Documentaf do Avulsa Mofambicana do Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, I (Lisbon, 1964), 902, II04; Nathaniel Isaacs, Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa, ed. L. Herrman (Cape Town, I936-7), II, 280-3. When Isaacs visited Delagoa Bay in June/July I83I, he found II ships there, most of them American whalers.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Lobato, Quatro Estudos, 123-8, Santana, Documentafcdo, I, 202-4, 215, 268, 535, 572 and passim; Lisbon, Arquivo Hist6rico Ultramarino (A.H.U.), Mo9. Cxa 77, X. Schmid v. Belliken to GCG, 2I July 1826. Portuguese government staff in East Africa was still at that time generally paid with cloth supplied by the government, and mainly used it to trade with. Guns or muskets, a staple of the trade with the Makua in northern Mo9ambique, do not seem to have been in demand at Lourengo Marques at this time.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">For a contemporary description see Santana, Documentaao, I, 1IO4, I Apr. 1829. It seems that the number of the company's employees dwindled, perhaps for reasons of economics, from seven in 1829 to three in 1833.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, Documentafdo, II (1967), 417.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Arquivo Hist6rico Ultramarino, Lisbon (A.H.U.), Mo9. Cxa 57, G. Ramos to GCG Abreu e Menezes, 2 Dec 1813; Cxa 58, Ramos to Menezes, 20 June 1814. The people of Mafumo were assisted by Colela of Moamba, whose father seems to have had the same dominant position which Machakane of Matola held over chiefdoms near Louren9o Marques from about 1823 to 1830.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">W. F. W. Owen, Narrative of Voyages to Explore the Shores of Africa, etc. (London, 1833), II, 21-3; Theal, Records, Ix, 41, 46-8 (Whitworth to Nourse, 29 Apr. 1824, information derived from the Rev. Threlfall). Cardinas died on 23 Febr. 1824. Lieutenant Antonio Pedro Teixeira, who had taken over the command after Cardinas's death, was killed in Tembe before his successor Belliken arrived.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. Moc. Cxa 75, G. Schmid v. Belliken to GCG, 22 Mar. I825; cf. Lobato, Quatro Estudos, I 6. The description of these events in M. V. Jackson Haight, European Powers in South-East Africa (1796-1856), I96, is not quite correct.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">J. Vansina, 'A comparison of African kingdoms', Africa, xxxII (I962) 332. For a definition of 'state' see J. W. Garner, Political Science and Government (New York, 1928), 52. Evidence on the structure of chiefdoms is to be found in H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (London, 1927), I, 409-10.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Cf. Omer-Cooper, Zulu Aftermath, 27; Leonard Thompson, 'Cooperation and conflict: the Zulu kingdom and Natal', in: The Oxford History of South Africa, I (Oxford,1969), 336 seqq. for a summary of the explanations proposed until 1965.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Lobato, Quatro Estudos, Ioo-3. The invaders were not Swazi as Lobato supposed. It is also possible that they belonged to an army sent by the Mthethwan king.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Owen, Narrative, I, 93-5, 142-4.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Owen, Narrative, I, 142; E. Gottschling, 'The Bawenda', J. Roy. Anthr. Inst. xxxv (1905), 366; J. A. Barnes, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Politics-Changing-Society-University-Zambia/dp/0719010101?ie=UTF8&tag=npommtaz-20&link_code=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969" target="_blank">Politics in a Changing Society</a><img alt="" border="0" height="1" src="http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=npommtaz-20&l=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969&o=1&a=0719010101" style="border: none !important; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px !important;" width="1" /> (London, I954), 3.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">C. A. J. Teixeira, 'Descripcao dos Rios da Bahia de Lourenco Marques', Arquivo das Colonias, II, no. 8 (1918), 64. </span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Fynn, Delagoa Bay, 482.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">S. Broadbent, The Missionary Martyr of Namaqualand (London, I857), 83.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Isaacs, Travels and Adventures, I, 229; II, 19-21; Gardiner, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Narrative-journey-Country-Africa-undertaken/dp/1241522812?ie=UTF8&tag=npommtaz-20&link_code=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969" target="_blank">Narrative of a Journey to the Zoolu Country in South Africa Undertaken in 1835</a><img alt="" border="0" height="1" src="http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=npommtaz-20&l=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969&o=1&a=1241522812" style="border: none !important; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px !important;" width="1" /> (London, 1836), 90; Teixeira, Descripf ao, 64. Owen, Narrative, I, 263, says '...with Matchakany [Machakane of Matola] was a messenger from the Zoolos... 'describing a visit in August 1823. I take this to refer to Soshangana's or Zwangendaba's Nguni as on p. 271 of the same volume.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 932, I Apr. I829. Saguate is a word of Indian origin.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">But there are British sources on the trade between Shaka and the Portuguese, e.g. Isaacs, Travels, I. 59.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A. Grandjean, L'invasion, 75, 79; A. C. Myburgh (The Tribes of the Barberton District, Pretoria, I949, 108) seems to be the only recorder of oral tradition mentioning the activity of Dingane in the hinterland of Lourenco Marques.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Lobato, Quatro Estudos, 120-44; Santana, I, 940; II, 626.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The interpreter was Henry Francis Fynn (cf. Isaacs, Travels, II, 10-12).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, II, 229-31, 7I4. </span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. Cod. 1425, f. 6, 29 Apr. I830; Santana, II, 425.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Anselmo Jose do Nascimento had already been in Lourenco Marques in 1823 (Lobato, Quatro Estudos, 107), was met with by the British in Matola (Owen, Narrative, I, 262 seq.), and served as an interpreter when Owen drew up his treaty with Makhasana of Maputo in 1823. By 1830 he was the owner of a ship.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. Mago 14, G. Ribeiro to GCG Brito, no. 38, </span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Oct. 1830, summarised partly in Santana, II, 439. 30 Santana, II, 425.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Ibid. 434-5.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Ibid. 438. Ribeiro's envoys had returned on 6 August.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The soldier who had brought this present was killed three years later. (Santana,I, 224).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. Maco 23, G. Ribeiro to GCG, no. 51 (probably from 15 May I83I); Ribeiro had also got the help of the chiefs of Magaia, Chirinda, Moamba, and Tembe. In March the chief of Maputo had apparently planned to help Matola, and Ribeiro boycotted trade with him (Maco 23, letter dated 15 May 1831, without number). In the end of July peace had been made with Matola and negotiations opened with Maputo (Santana, II, 949-50).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. Maco 23, G. Ribeiro to GCG, 29 Aug. I831, no. 57. Ribeiro also says that Dingane had also asked the British for help, but that they did not turn up. This is not quite true (cf. P. R. Kirby, Andrew Smith and Natal (Cape Town, 1955), 72; Okoye, 225, footnote 3 I). Okoye also describes the action Dingane had planned earlier that year against Cane, and the origin of the bad relations between Dingane and the British traders.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 182.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Ibid. 181.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Ibid. 212.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Ibid. 224. This is on page 53 of an account entitled 'A Guerra dos Reis Vatuas vizinhos de Louren,o Marques em 1833'. This is a MS report, certainly written before 1839, describing the events in L.M. between 26 July 1833 and io July I834, and now in Maco i A of Moc. in the A.H.U. Lobato identified its author as Antonio Jose Nobre,the agent of the company (Lobato, Quatro Estudas, p. 130).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Page 2 of the MS.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 209.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Isaacs, Travels, II, 282.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 223-4.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 223, p. 51 of MS.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The leaders of the troops were 'Sumisso' and 'Naniia' or'Nandiia'. (Nobre's MS report, pp. 39, 50). Sumisso's death became known on 5 Feb. I834. He was said to have kept some of the spoils of the war for himself (ibid. pp. 59-60). From March onwards, Seduto and his brother Machanfana were transmitting Dingane's orders.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. 2a seccao, Mo9. Pasta i (1834-5), Pegado to Margiochi, 17 February 1835, no. 9, incl. no. I: G. Dario Rodrigues de Vasconcellos to Governo Provizorio, 8 Oct. 1834.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 224 (pp. 54 and 61 of MS).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Grahamstown Journal, III, no. 134, 7 Aug 1834, from a letter dated Umzimvubu, 27 June [I834]. Fynn probably spoke to the soldier, Jose Antonio Banadaque, and a slave of the company. Conversation may well have been conducted in Zulu. (Fynn's letter is reprinted in J. Stuart and D. McK. Malcolm, The Diary of Henry Francis Fynn, Pietermaritzburg,1950).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Grahamstown Journal, iii (1834), no. 146, 9 October from a letter dated Port Natal,3 Sept. 1834.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Okoye, 229.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. MoC. Maco IA, Marinho to Bomfim, x6 Nov. I840, incl.: 'Acontecimento do dia 3 de junho do corrente anno [18351' written 5 June 1835.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">That Zulu were present is repeated by Ribeiro's successor Vasconcellos: A.H.U. Pasta I (I834-5), Pegado to Margiochi, no. 9, I7 February I835, incl. reports dated 8 and 9 Oct. I834. Hewetson, who accompanied the Zulu missionary, F. Owen, wrote from Delagoa Bay on 20 May I838, 'Dingaan, the Zoolu tyrant, attacked this place, and killed the late governor, about five years ago' (Missionary Herald, Cambridge, Mass., xxxv (1839), 110).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 224-5 (page 57 of Nobre's MS). He was killed on 22 Nov., forty days after Ribeiro's death.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Theal, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Portuguese-South-Africa-George-McCall/dp/1150502231?ie=UTF8&tag=npommtaz-20&link_code=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969" target="_blank">The Portuguese in South Africa</a><img alt="" border="0" height="1" src="http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=npommtaz-20&l=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969&o=1&a=1150502231" style="border: none !important; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px !important;" width="1" /></span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">(London, 1896), 258, 279. Nobre, MS, p. 67.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A contingent from Magaia was expected too but did not come forward. The troops which took possession of Lourenco Marques in I833 were called together in the same way (Santana, I, 222, 226; Nobre, MS 15, 66-68). </span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Santana, I, 226 (Nobre, MS, p. 69).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Dingane wanted 2,691 'manilhas de pescoco' and 1,500 packages of beads 'of their kind' (A.H.U. Mo9. Pasta I, I834-5, Pegado to Margiochi, 17 Feb I835, incl. no. 2 letter from Vasconcellos and Soares.) In Sept. I833 Nobre had given 522 manilhas and 200 packages of beads. (Santana, I, 221.)</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A.H.U. Mo9. Maco IA, Marinho to Bomfim, i6 Nov. I840, incl. 'Acontecimento do dia 3 de junho do corrente anno [I835]'.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Teixeira, Descripcao, 64.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In 1835 the Swazi or Unguani were still tributary to the Zulu (Gardiner, Journey, 167-8). In 1836, 1837, and 1838 the Zulu were fighting against them; in I840 the Swazi killed Dingane. (Miss. Herald, xxxIII (I837), 121; xxxvi (1840), 385, 503; Bryant, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Olden-times-Zululand-Natal-Eastern-Nguni/dp/B0007J31MS?ie=UTF8&tag=npommtaz-20&link_code=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969" target="_blank">Olden Times in Zululand and Natal</a><img alt="" border="0" height="1" src="http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=npommtaz-20&l=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969&o=1&a=B0007J31MS" style="border: none !important; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px !important;" width="1" /> (London, 1929), 32I-4).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">South African Archival Records, Transvaal, no. i, Notule van die Volksraad etc. Deel I, 70-I. Wars between Zulu and Swazi had apparently only begun again in 1846 (cf. South African Arch. Records, Natal, no. 2, 7I-2, 100, 121, I22, 132, I4I-2).</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Augusto de Castilho, O districto de Lourenco Marques no presente e no futuro, 2nd ed.(Lisbon: Mattos Moreira, 1881), 46.</span></li>
</ol></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-81249070547048212802011-06-16T20:54:00.000+01:002011-06-16T20:54:11.449+01:00Zulu Folk And Praise Poetry<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;">Below are Zulu folk or tribal poems. The first time I read Zulu traditional poems they reminded me of the Ngoni people's poems. The <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2009/08/angoni-by-whj-rangeley.html">Ngoni</a> original language called ngoni is actually in most respects closer to Zulu than other Nguni languages. See <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/08/songs-of-ngoni-people-lullabies-umsindo.html">Songs of the Ngoni</a> people for ngoni poems and see the striking similarities in structure and words. The ngoni left Zululand and Swaziland during Shaka Zulu's mfecane and now reside in Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia and Tanzania.<br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Author(s): H. I. E. Dhlomo</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Source: English in Africa, Vol. 4, No. 2, Literary Theory and Criticism of H. I. E. Dhlomo(Sep., 1977), pp. 43-59</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Published by: Institute for the Study of English in Africa, Rhodes University </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
<b>I</b><br />
<br />
Life is rhythm. Our birth and death, the very throb of our hearts, the arts of sightand hearing, observe this law of rhythm. In Nature, the coming and the going of theseasons, of migratory birds, of hibernating creatues, of ocean tides and of plants and the heavenly bodies, tell the same story.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this paper we shall consider Zulu folk or tribal poetry; the poetry of our forefathers,of the soil and the soul of the country ; poetry composed by humble men who,according to western standards and ways, were ignorant, uncultured, wild men. I shall claim and do claim that their compositions were real and essential poetry for they observe with sure and artistic instinct this universal law of rhythm. But poetry, one ofthe highest achievements of the human soul and heart, is more than that. It must employ a measured rhythmic language, poetic diction, show contemplative and creative imagination, and use images, sounds and thoughts that arouse and sublimate the emotions.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>II</b><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Classification</b><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">We have a rich and varied store of this folk material. It adorns the folk tales, accompanies the dances, and is connected with many war and peacetime observances. Unfortunately it has not been systematically collected and preserved, and is dying out with the disintegration of tribal society. I would suggest that these tribal compositions be collected into one volume prefaced with a critical essay on their nature, classification and quality. My own findings lead me to classify Zulu folk poetry as follows.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 - <strong>Semi-narrative, biographic praise poems</strong>.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These include :</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(a) Poems of persons.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">UMsimude!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Owavela ngesiluba,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Phakathi kwamaNgisi nama-Qadasi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Inkonjan' edukel' ezulwini;</div><div style="text-align: justify;">UNowelamuva wa-OShaka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(b) Poems on Animals and Birds.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Qebuluka-qebu!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hlabazihlangana!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Phondo luyingewishi,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mathifiza njengesidunu</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sembazo.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ndlela zimnyama kobahlabayo,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Njengo-Mphamephuce;</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Bolokodlela, nkunzi emdwayidwa;</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Makhonya kusobele amavaka.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(On a bull).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ungqwashi lobomvu!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ungqengendlela!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Isithuthukazi esinamakhizana ekhanda!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Uhuye!</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(On a bird).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(c) Poems on Things.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Lind' amazibuko,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Thabisa amashinga.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(On a stick).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Guardsman of the river fords,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Joy of adventurers reckless!)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>2 - Nature Poems</strong>.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These are included in, and form part and parcel of, the laudatory poems to persons. (Where the writer finds an existing translation, he uses that, and where he doesn't he gives the original Zulu and his own translation below.)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The greenness which kisses that of a gall bladder!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Butterfly ofPhunga, tinted with circling spots,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As if made by the twilight from the shadow of mountains,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the dusk of the evening, when the wizards are abroad.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>3 - War Songs.</strong></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(i)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Oye oyeye! </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Khethani amagwala, </div><div style="text-align: justify;">UNomahlul'ingonyama wadla. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(ii)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Asihambe sihlaslele, </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Inkani iphelile; </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wavizwa ngobani </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ukuthi inkani iphelile? </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ivevi! </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wavizwa ngobani </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ukuth ' inkan'iphelile ? </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(iii)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Siyayishisa indlu kaQolwane, </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kasenzi manga, kasenzi manga. </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wazonda, wazonda! </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Oyeyiva wo! </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Siyayishisa indlu kaQolwane. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(iv)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Waqeda izizwe. </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Uyakuhlaselaphi na? </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hho! Hho! Eya ehhe! </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wahlula abafo, </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wahlula izizwe. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Chorus</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Waqedaqed' izizwe!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Uyakuhlaselaphi na? </div><div style="text-align: justify;">E! Uyakuhlaselaphi na?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wahlul' amakhosi, </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Waqedaqed' iziwe! </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Uhlaselaphi na? </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Uhlaselaphi na? </div><div style="text-align: justify;">E! E! E! </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">(Oye oyeye! seek out the cowards, the lion conqueror strikes. Come, let's march into battle; no more the time for boastful arguments. What, sayest thou the time for boastful arguments is over? Begone! Who told the news that wranglings have ceased? The house of Qolwana set we on fire. We make no jokes, no lies tell we. He is full of hate, full of hate. Oyeyiya wo! Come, see us set aflame the house of Qolwana; On whom will you make war, if you wipe out all the nations thus? . . . you who defeat the foes and conquer the nations. If you wipe out the nations thus, on whom will you make war. Yea, what will you do? You have subdued the kings; you have iped out the nations. Where and what next, Conqueror?)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div></div></div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-10220917107896245112011-06-15T22:59:00.001+01:002011-06-15T23:00:28.406+01:00Shosholoza Song Lyrics and video<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><span style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 16px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4em; word-spacing: 0.05em;">Below are the lyrics and video of the famous South African </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 18px;"><a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/11/history-of-angoni-according-to-alice.html">Zulu</a></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4em; word-spacing: 0.05em;"> song 'Shosholoza'. According to wikipedia the song is originally a<a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/03/some-oral-traditions-from-maseko-ngoni.html"> Ndebele</a> song from Zimbabwe.</span></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; line-height: 18px;"><i><br />
</i></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; line-height: 18px;"><i style="font-style: italic; line-height: 1.4em; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 16px; word-spacing: 0.05em;">Shosholoza, shosholoza (Moving fast, moving strong)<br />
Ku lezontaba (Through those mountains)<br />
Stimela sphuma eSouth Africa (Train from South Africa)<br />
Wenu yabaleka (You are leaving)<br />
Wenu yabaleka (You are leaving)<br />
Ku lezontaba (Through those mountains)<br />
Stimela siphum' eSouth Africa (Train from South Africa) </i></span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.youtube.com/embed/Qdi-L9fAtEI?feature=player_embedded' frameborder='0'></iframe><iframe align="left" frameborder="0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" scrolling="no" src="http://rcm.amazon.com/e/cm?t=npommtaz-20&o=1&p=8&l=bpl&asins=B00165N0PU&fc1=000000&IS2=1&lt1=_blank&m=amazon&lc1=0000FF&bc1=000000&bg1=FFFFFF&f=ifr" style="align: left; height: 245px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 5px; width: 131px;"></iframe></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><i style="color: black; font-size: 13px; font-style: italic; line-height: 1.4em; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 16px; word-spacing: 0.05em;"><br />
</i></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><i style="color: black; font-size: 13px; font-style: italic; line-height: 1.4em; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 16px; word-spacing: 0.05em;"><br />
</i></span></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-47151383391461354082011-06-15T22:48:00.001+01:002011-06-20T20:28:08.947+01:00Some Zulu Customs And Traditions 1911<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Author: L H Samuelson</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Source: Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol. 10, No. 38 (Jan., 1911), pp. 191-199</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">BY the courtesy of the author, we are enabled to publish in the Journal some extracts from a forthcoming work on "<a href="http://www.amazon.com/Some-Zulu-Customs-Folk-Lore-Samuelson/dp/1406797790?ie=UTF8&tag=npommtaz-20&link_code=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969" target="_blank">Zulu Customs and Folklore</a><img alt="" border="0" height="1" src="http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=npommtaz-20&l=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969&o=1&a=1406797790" style="border: none !important; margin: 0px !important; padding: 0px !important;" width="1" />," by Miss L. M. Samuelson, of Durban, Natal. Miss Samuelson is the daughter of a Norwegian missionary who was stationed for many years in <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/stabbing-of-shaka-and-ndwandwe-war-that.html">Zululand</a>,and the sister of Mr. S. O. Samuelson, till recently Under-Secretary for Native Affairs in <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/11/history-of-angoni-according-to-alice.html">Natal</a>. Having lived among the Zulus from childhood, she is exceptionally familiar with their language and customs, and the book she is about to publish promises to be of unusual interest.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">UKUKALEL 'AMABELE.(Praying for the Corn.)</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">I think that a description of an old Zulu custom which is now slowly dying out may be found interesting. It is generally observed at the season when the mealies and <i>mabele</i> (kafir corn) are coming into flower.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The Zulus believe that there is a certain Princess in Heaven, who bears the name of Nomkubulwana (Heavenly Princess), and who occasionally visits their cornfields, and causes them to bear abundantly. For this princess they very often set apart a small piece of cultivated land as a present, setting little pots of beer in it for her to drink when she goes on her rounds. They often sprinkle the mealies and <i>mabele</i> with some of the beer, for luck to the harvest.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">There is one day appointed specially for girls, when they go out fasting on to the hills, and spend the whole day weeping, fasting, and praying, as they think that the more they fast and weep, the more likely they are to be pitied by the princess. On that day they have to wear men's clothing (<i>umutsha</i>) made of skins, and all men and boys are to keep out of their way, neither speaking to them nor looking at them.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">They start very early, as by sunrise they must be by the riverside, ready to begin praying and weeping.<sup>1</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Digging deep holes in the sand, they make two or three little girls sit in them, and fill them in again, till nothing but their heads is left showing above ground. There they must remain, weeping and praying for some time. Girls about six years old are generally chosen for this purpose, as they cry the most (rather from fright than anything else), and so are most likely to catch the ear of the heavenly princess.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">When the older girls think the poor little things have done their fair share, they help them out and let them run home.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The big girls then go to the mountains and weep; after that to their gardens, round which they walk screaming to the heavenly princess to have pity on them and give them a good harvest.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">After this they sprinkle the gardens with beer, and set little pots of it here and there for the princess. About sunset the ceremonies are over, and they all go back to the river to bathe, after which they return to their homes and break their fast.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Any girls refusing to join with the others on Nomkubulwana's day, would lose <i>caste</i>, unless prevented by illness. Ofcourse Christian girls are not expected to join, this being an entirely heathen rite.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The Rainbow, Lightning and Eclipses.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The Zulus believe in a glorious being whom they call the Queen of Heaven, of great and wondrous beauty, and the rainbow is supposed to be an emanation of her glory. This "Queen of Heaven " (<i>Inkosikazi</i>) is a different person from the Heavenly Princess, to whom the young girls pray regularly once a year, as described above.<sup>2</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Some believe that there is a gorgeously coloured animal at the point where the rainbow appears to come in contact with the earth, and that it would cause the death of any who caught sight of it.<sup>3</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The natives, as a rule, are very superstitious about the lightning; if it has struck anything they say "the heavens</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">did it," they dare not speak of it by name. A person killed by lightning is buried without ceremony, and there is no mourning for him; a tree which has been struck may not be used for fuel; the flesh of any animal so killed is not to be eaten; huts which have been injured by lightning are abandoned, and very often the whole kraal is removed. Persons living in such a kraal may not visit their friends, nor may their friends visit them, until they have been purified and pronounced clean by the doctor. They are not allowed to dispose of their cattle until they also have been attended to by the doctor, even the milk is considered unclean, and people abstain from drinking it.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">An eclipse or an earthquake foretells a great calamity, and natives are terrified whenever an eclipse takes place. The defeat of the Usutu by Uzibebu a few days after an earthquake, which was felt all through Zululand in 1887, naturally confirmed them in the belief that it is an evil omen.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Rain Doctors.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In common with other backward races the Zulus have faith in the power of the rain-doctors to make, or to draw, rain, and also to prevent it from falling. The Zulu kings generally kept rain doctors, but as when these men did not make enough rain to please their royal masters, they were in danger of being fined or even put to death, they were obliged to invent a good many excuses for their failures. The most common was, that they felt sure somebody was practising witchcraft, that is to say, putting pegs dipped in medicine into the ground, or tying knots in the grass on the mountain-tops and sprinkling them with medicines; either of which proceedings would stop the rain. Then the king would send messengers round the country commanding his subjects to find out where pegs had been driven in, or knots tied in the grass, and the owner of the kraal in whose neighbourhood this was found to have been done was liable to be killed or fined, at the king's discretion.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In a dry season people were constantly in fear of this happening, for they knew that any who wished to injure them would drive in pegs near their kraals and then report them to the king for having done it.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/some-interesting-missionary-observation.html">Cetshwayo</a> once had a rain-doctor of whom he thought a great deal; but one year when there was a terrible drought he lost faith in him, and then someone accused him to the king of having wilfully prevented the rain from falling. Ofcourse this made his majesty furiously angry, and he ordered the unfortunate man to be killed and thrown into the river,together with his hut and everything he possessed. No sooner was this order carried out than the rain fell in torrents. Such is the story told by the natives, but I cannot vouch for the truth of it.<sup>4</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The Zulus used to consider the Basuto rain-doctors the best of any, and the king sometimes engaged some of them to come to Zululand when rain was wanted. One year a large number of them arrived, laden with roots and other medicines,from Basutoland. Some carried calabashes filled with liquids, which were rolled about on the ground at the cattle kraal, to bring thunder, and bundles containing charms to bring lightning and rain were stuck upright in the ground. These performances went on for some weeks, until at last the rain came, and the Zulus were satisfied that it was caused by the hard work of the Basuto doctors. These men were kept well supplied with beef and beer all the time they were in the country, and handsome presents were given them, when they left it to return to their own land.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Ukuqwanjiswa Kwempi. </i>(The doctoring of an army.)</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">This was a most important ceremony among the Zulus while they were still under their own rulers. The natives of Zululand, as all who know anything of their history will admit, were the bravest and most warlike of the coloured races, and were always ready to fight for their king and country. They never shirked their duty as soldiers, they were all trained to arms from boyhood, and felt it a disgrace not to go out against the foe whenever called upon to do so.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The ceremony of <i>Ukuqwamba</i> was invariably performed when there was to be war, and was supposed to make the men both brave and invulnerable.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">A proclamation went forth to all the men, in the word "<i>Maihlome</i>" (Let them arm), and in a very short time the whole manhood of the nation mobilised and proceeded, fully equipped for war, to the chief kraal of the sovereign, encamping within a short distance. No women were permitted to come near; all supplies of food or other necessaries being brought by men or boys specially deputed for this service. The army, having assembled at its rendezvous, was then formed into a crescent, and the national war-doctor marched up in all his war-paint, when a very wild black bull was brought in, seized by some warriors selected for the occasion, and held down by them, while the doctor killed it by a blow with his axe on the nape of the neck. Meanwhile a large fire was lighted, and kept up while the beast was being flayed. Then its flesh was cut into long narrow strips, which were roughly roasted in the fire under the superintendence of the doctor, rubbed with a powder made of various roots and herbs and portions of the skins of lions and other fierce animals, and tossed up into the air among the soldiers, who had to catch them in their mouths, bite off a piece, and pass the rest on, till everyone had had a mouthful. Any piece which might chance to fall on the ground was left there.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The doctor's attendants now brought him vessels full of a liquid composed of various medicines pounded and mixed with water, and the doctor sprinkled the warriors with it, shouting the while "<i>Umabope kabope</i>, <i>Umabope kabope</i>"(let the <i>Mabope</i> tie up, that is, concentrate the strength of the army).<sup>5</sup> All were now ready, and without farther delay set out to fight. The "tshela " (<i>tela</i>) or sprinkling was repeated in case of a reverse, but not the killing of a bull.<sup>6</sup></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The whole body was now drawn up in a crescent, representing the two horns of a bull about to thrust at the enemy, while the central part represented the face of the bull, which would drive them away.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The war-doctor brings with him all the things required for carrying out the rites I have described, namely, an axe with a sharp point, a knife, the different medicines, and the sprinkler. This should be made of the tail of the gnu, or if this cannot be obtained, the tail of a black bull is used. All these things the doctor keeps in his own possession, carefully wrapped up in a mat.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The whole of these ceremonies were gone through just before the Zulu War of 1879, and in addition to this the fighting men partook of a medicinal charm which was to repel the enemy (<i>Intelezi yempi</i>).</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">We must not forget the women-folk who were left behind. Married women always wear a skirt made of ox-hide, the hair having been scraped off. In ordinary life, the upper edge of this is rolled outward, round the hips, but during war, they turn the roll inside. The young girls throw ashes over their bodies, a sign of mourning, as wearing sack-cloth and ashes was among the Hebrews. The old women take their brooms and run along the roads sweeping with them, thus indicating that they would make a clean sweep of their enemies in all directions. This they call <i>Ukutshaluza</i>.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Women also drink similar medicines to those taken by the men, but the preparation of them is somewhat different. A big fire is lighted outside the kraal, and a pot containing a number of roots possessing magical properties is put on, and left to simmer slowly till next morning, when the fresh milk of a cow is added, to whiten it. This is supposed to bring good luck. When it is ready, all the women and children sit round the pot, dip their fingers in it, and lick off the mixture. This is the <i>Ukuncinda</i>, or ceremony of sucking. After this, a cow is slaughtered for them to eat. Then they begin to sweep, smear the floors of their huts with cow-dung,and make all tidy. This is evidently to prepare for the return of the soldiers. Beer is made, and snuff ground, and all the snuff-boxes filled up, so that nothing shall be wanting.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The Zulus "fight and die"; there is no turning back, no retreating-for that only means death in the end, an inglorious death instead of a glorious one. Any who turned back would be killed by order of the king or chief. This was the law of the country in war-time.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">When attacking, the whole body of men made one big rush forward, shouting their clan name or war-cry, "<i>Usutu</i>!" or "<i>Mandhlakazi</i>!"<sup>7</sup> &c., as the case might be.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">On camping out for the night a watchword was always agreed upon, unknown, of course, to the enemy, and to every passer-by they cried "Who goes there? " their own people, on giving the word, being allowed to go safely on their way. This, of course, is the same procedure as would be followed among other nationalities.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b>Inkatha</b>.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Before giving a description of an Inkatha I must explain that it is not at all the same thing as the ordinary grass pad for supporting burthens on the head which goes by that name.<sup>8</sup> The inkatha now described is a larger thing, made of certain fibres which are very strong and binding. The doctor specially deputed to make it knows exactly what fibres to use. He makes it in secret, sprinkles it with various concoctions, and finally winds the skin of a python round it, as this reptile is considered the most powerful of animals, coiling itself round its prey and squeezing it to death, as it does.When the Inkatha is finished all the full-grown men as well as the principal women of the tribe are summoned, and are sprinkled and given powders of various dried herbs to swallow. The men then go down to a river and drink certain mixtures, bathe in the river, and return to the kraal where the Inkatha is made. They are then sprinkled a second time, and return to their homes.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">After this the Inkatha is handed over by the doctor to the chief's principal wife, and entrusted to her and to two or three others, to be withdrawn from the common gaze. It is taken great care of and passed on from generation to generation as part of the chief's regalia. The Inkatha is looked upon as the good spirit of the tribe, binding all together in one, and attracting back any deserter.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The king or chief uses it on all great occasions--more especially on those of a civil nature. For instance, when a new chief is taking up the reins of government, the Inkatha is brought out of its hiding-place, a circle is formed by the tribe, and it is placed on the ground in the centre. The new chief then, holding his father's weapons, stands on the Inkata while he is being proclaimed by his people. After this it is carefully put away again.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In case of the king being taken ill the doctor seats him on the Inkatha while he is "treating" him (<i>elapa</i>). It is also used in a variety of other royal ceremonies, and is looked upon as more sacred than the English Crown. It is, in fact, the guardian spirit or totem of a Zulu tribe. Yet, strange to say, the Courts are so ignorant of native laws and customs that nothing was known to the Judges of the Native High Court as to the existence of the Inkata, in a very important case<sup>9</sup> recently tried there, when it was what might be termed the very essence of the case, and gross injustice resulted from this ignorance.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">L. H. SAMUELSON.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Footnote</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"></div><ol><li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Cf. an account-of this custom (<i>umtshopi</i>) in Colenso's <i>Zulu Dictionary</i>, p. 614. A similar observance, intended to avert disease, is described by Mrs. Hugh Lancaster Carbutt, in the (South African) Folk-Lore Journal for January, 1880 (Vol. II. p. 12), as follows: "Among the charms to prevent sickness from visiting a kraal, is the <i>umkuba</i> or custom of the girls herding the cattle for a day. [<i>Umkuba</i> means "custom," it is not the name of this particular rite.] No special season of the year is set apart for this custom. It is merely enacted when diseases are known to be prevalent. On such an occasion, all the girls and unmarried women of a kraal rise early in the morning, dress themselves entirely in their brothers' skins [i.e. skin kilts-<i>umutsha</i>], and taking their knobkerries and sticks, open the cattle-pen or kraal, and drive the cattle away from the vicinity of the homestead, none of these <i>soi-disant</i>herds returning home, or going near a kraal, until sunset, when they bring the cattle back. No one of the opposite sex dare go near the girls on this day, or speak to them."-We have reproduced the passage in full, as the periodical which contains it is now very scarce. It should be noted that at ordinary times it would be contrary to custom-indeed, highly improper, if not sacrilegious-for any woman or girl to approach the cattle-kraal, to say nothing of herding the cattle. The idea is, no doubt, to compel the assistance of the Unseen by some flagrant outrage on decency, actual or threatened.--ED.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The rainbow is called <i>utingo lwenkosikazi</i>, " the Queen's bow." See Callaway, <i>Nursery Tales and Traditions of the Zulus</i>, p. 193. <i>Utingo</i>, however, is not "a bow " in our sense (at any rate not in current Zulu speech) but a bent stick or wattle, used in making the framework of a hut. It is difficult to ascertain anything about this <i>inkosikazi</i>; but we believe the Zulu women sometimes hold dances in her honour on the hills.Mr. Dudley Kidd (<i>The Essential Kafir</i>, p. 112) seems to have confused her with Nomkubulwana, who, as Miss Samuelson expressly tells us, is not the same person. It is not clear whether she is identical with the mysterious being called " Inkosazana," of whom the late Bishop Callaway says : " The following superstition ... appears to be the relic of some very old worship" (<i>Religious System of the Amasulu</i>, p. 253).She was supposed to appear, or rather to be heard speaking (for she was never seen) in lonely places, and predicted the future, or gave directions which had to be obeyed by the people. "It is she who introduces many fashions among black men. She orders the children to be weaned earlier than usual. . . . Sometimes she orders much beer to be made and poured out on the mountain. And all the tribes make beer, each chief and his tribe; the beer is poured on the mountain; and they thus free themselves from blame. . . . I never heard that they pray to her for anything, for she does not dwell with men, but in the forest, and is unexpectedly met with by a man who has gone out about his own affairs, and he brings back her message."-ED.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The Congo people believe the rainbow to be a snake (<i>chama</i>) as do the Yorubas(<i>Oshumare</i>). See Mr. Dennett's,<i>At the Back of the Black Man's Mind</i> (p. 142), and <i>Nigerian Studies</i> (p. 21),--ED,</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">This story scarcely seems to be consistent with Cetshwayo's character, He was certainly a sceptic as regards witchcraft,--ED,</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Umabope </i>is explained in Colenso's <i>Dictionary</i>( p. 333)as "a climbing plant with red roots, bits of which are much worn about the neck." A note adds :--" The root is chewed by Zulus when going to battle, the induna giving the word '<i>Lumani</i>(bite) <i>umabope!</i>' which they do for a few minutes and then spit it out again, saying' <i>Nang' umabope</i>' (here is the umabope). The notion is that the foe will be bound in consequence to commit some foolish act." (The verb <i>bopa</i> means," tie.")</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The nearest translation that can be given in English of the word <i>Ukuqwamba</i>would be "Talisman," and "<i>Ukuqwanjiswa kwempi</i>" may be rendered " The consecration of an army."</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Usutu is the name of the royal clan to which Cetshwayo belonged-Mandhlakazi being the house of Zibebu.-ED.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The word seems to be almost universal in the Bantu languages :-Nyanja, <i>nkata</i>; Luganda, <i>enkata</i>; Swahili, <i>kata</i> ; Suto, <i>khare</i>. What is most curious is that, so far away as the Gold Coast we find an indication of ceremonial usages connected with this article. See this JOURNAL for July, 1908, p. 407. The Fanti word for it is <i>ekar</i>, which may be a merely accidental resemblance, or may point to a fundamental identity of roots in the West African and the Bantu languages.Possibly the root idea of -<i>kata</i> is " something coiled or rolled up," and this may be the only connection between the head-pad and the charm. The Baronga (Delagoa Bay) have a similar tribal talisman called <i>mhamba</i> which is a set of balls, each containing the nail-parings and hair of a deceased chief, kneaded up with the dung of the cattle slaughtered at his funeral, and, no doubt, some kind of pitch to give it consistency. These balls are then enclosed in plaited leather thongs. The custom of thus preserving relics of dead chiefs is found elsewhere : the Cambridge Ethnological Museum possesses a set of the "regalia" of Unyoro, which would come under the same category.--ED.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> Rex v. Tshingumusi, Mbopeyana and Mbombo. 1909.</span></li>
</ol><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
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</div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-43912724804778947212011-06-15T01:07:00.002+01:002011-06-15T07:11:55.157+01:00Lizulu : Inkosi yamakhosi Gomani's Market 1938<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;">Excerpt From <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2011/06/maseko-ngoni-cattle-as-security-for.html">Margaret Read's,Native standards of living and African culture change,: Illustrated by examples from the Ngoni highlands of Nyasaland</a>, (International Institute of African languages and cultures), 1938</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With our main problem of the standard of living in view it is necessary to set certain limits to this discussion of the market of the Paramount Chief Gomani. I shall therefore begin with a survey of the present methods of trading in this area and their relation to the former types of distribution, referring to the factor of price as an incentive to marketing. I shall then describe the market at <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/10/list-of-ngoni-words-taken-down-by.html">Lizulu</a> in terms of the area served, the people concerned, and the goods exchanged; and discuss the relationship of the Paramount Chief Gomani to this institution which he created. Finally, I shall endeavour to show how the market reflects the standard of living in this area and how it has proved to be an important link between political development and the welfare of the people.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><i>Types of trading in this area</i></b>. We saw how in the pre-European days the large-scale economy of the Ngoni meant that the aristocrats, who were also the wealthy, were continually accumulating goods and redistributing them, thus achieving a certain equalisation of consumption at least of necessities. Artisans made goods to order for the 'big houses' and received rewards of food and clothing. A certain amount of inter-village trading of 'industries' went on at the same time,especially after the Ngoni had brought some peace to the land and made communications safe Today the existence of scarcity and surplus is met by trade, of which there are three main forms. There is village or inter-village trading, which as we saw, can include both a hawking of goods or going directly to the producer. Few days pass in a village, especially if remote from a market when some kind of trading transaction does not take place. The villages on the sides of the main road maintain a constant sale of fruit, flour, other food-stuffs, and until recently beer,<sup>1</sup> to the passers-by. The traffic on these main roads is very heavy at all times of year, and this roadside trading is a marked feature of the district. Formerly travellers would have been entertained by the 'big houses'. Today men returning from the south and therefore supposedly wealthy, are expected to buy their provisions.<sup>2</sup> Now and then I have seen men from the north going south with only a small quantity of flour in a goatskin packet being fed in roadside villages, on the plea that once they get into Portuguese East Africa they will have a very thin time.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The third form of trading today takes place in the markets. There are regular produce markets at the European Bomas, occasional, small markets at cross-roads, but none in this area to compare in size or importance with that held weekly at the Paramount Chief's village of Lizulu.There are also organised seasonal markets for the buying of cotton and tobacco, but none of these takes place in the Ngoni Highlands.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">All the transactions, whether in the villages, at the roadsides, or in the markets, may be either by barter or cash sale. The interaction of economic and social interests is seen clearly in the way in which the prices of goods are settled. They are seldom, if ever, determined on strictly economic lines, that is, solely by the operation of supply and demand. In the Paramount Chief's market prices are regulated by his authority according to the seasonal variations of supplies. In village trading there is a socially accepted equivalence of goods for goods, as, for example a cooking pot or a basket for the amount of maize it will hold. Bargaining and arguing often take place but sooner or later the social factor comes into play, and the buyer and seller arrive at an agreement by which neither feels defrauded and both are content. The economic motive of gain in the form of a definite reward is clearly the incentive for selling anything. Equally the reputation for generosity is a social asset, as it was in former days. Any kind of goods which can be measured by a little more or less such as beans or maize must always be measured on the generous side. If there is no evidence of generosity the other partner in the transaction will say, 'Ha! you Indian trader ', which is equivalent to skinflint and cheat.I have watched scores of these transactions both in the villages and in the market. Nowhere could it be said that there is a purely commercial attitude' about trading. If the seller is a clever talker with ready wit he may coax the buyer into giving a little more but equally this advantage may be on the side of the buyer. Buyers and sellers both frequently exhibit a disdainfully aloof attitude towards the goods, and it is certainly true that some individuals dislike the necessity of trading while others find in it an oulet for wit. Cheating and profiteering are regarded as anti-social acts, and a person with such a reputation is avoided.<sup>3</sup> These forms of trade and the motives which influence buyers and sellers we will now consider in common with the market at Lizulu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><i>Description of the Market</i></b>. The village of Lizulu is on the main road running north and south through Nyasaland. Dominating the village is the Paramount Chief's long brick house in its tree shaded courtyard, and beyond it the new circular court house designed and built by himself. From this court house you can count a dozen villages perched on the sides of the hills. To the south side of the village is the market-place flanked by three Indian stores on the main road on one side and on the other by a few huts to accommodate travellers arriving over night.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">If you walk into the market about 8 a.m. on a Saturday, in the month of October, you find it already humming with activity. On the side nearest the main road are the sellers from Portuguese East Africa chiefly women with maize, vegetables, and other food-stuffs. On the far side,<sup>4</sup> round the ant-hill where the men like to congregate<sup>5</sup>,are the people from the lake shore country, mostly men, with building materials' such as bamboo and bark rope, and with village industries such as reed mats, baskets of bamboo and palm fibre, wooden spoons and hoe handles. Here are the fish sellers, also men and boys, with smoke dried and fresh fish which they have carried up the two escarpments from the lake during the night. Round the trees in the centre is the 'meat stall', where butchers are cutting up the carcasses each on its skin, arranging small portions for sale, and hanging large pieces on the trees. In little groups, arranged according to their wares over all the remaining space, are the women selling grain vegetables, fruit and pots, chiefly in small quantities taken from their own storehouses or gardens. In and out, stepping round the sellers and their wares,now bending down to talk, now sitting to drive a bargain walk the buyers and the onlookers, clustering most thickly round the butchers' section, which attracts people as much as flies. Here will be found the men who are cattle owners and have slaughtered a beast to provide them with needed cash. They generally use a 'butcher' to cut up and sell the meat. He gives the money at the end to the owner, who pays him 2s 6d.for his services.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As the market fills up the buzz of conversation gets louder and deeper, and in the little knots of people talking everywhere, it is hard to sort out the buyers from the Sellers. The Indian stores on the edge of the market are thronged with would-be purchasers, choosing, fingering, talking price, watching the salesman measure the cloth, going to the tailor on the veranda to get it made up. The whole scene is one of great activity, cheerful bargaining, orderliness, and good burnout. Quarrels and angry voices and fights are unknown. 'Is it not the Chief's market? And must we not respect him.'</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In a changing scene such as this it is not easy to count heads, but there are generally 500-600 people at any one time in the market-place during the cold weather, more in the hot weather, and fewer in the rains. The area served is roughly 15 miles east and 15 miles west 10 north and 10 south from Lizulu. People come from the villages below the escarpment to the east and from the Portuguese lands to the west thus focusing in one centre all the Ngoni country with its diverse climatic areas.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kinds of goods sold, the regulation of prices, and collection of market dues Of the goods brought to the market one quarter perhaps are village industries, three quarters food-stuffs. The scarcity of building materials in the Highlands makes a ready sale for bamboo and bark rope especially in the house building season after the harvest. There is always a steady demand for baskets, mats, wooden spoons, and small sieves. This supply is greater in the cold weather 'because the men like to sit round their lire in the talking place making these things'. Baskets for carrying maize are plentiful just before the harvest, and wooden hoe handles just before the rains when the hoeing season begins.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On most market days, except in the rains, one to three beasts are disposed of and one to two pigs. The meat sells for about 25s. to 30s.per beast and 5s. to 6s. per pig. The amount of fish brought in varies, but it is always quickly sold out, and the total, in 1d. lots, is about 10s. to 15s. worth</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The food-stuffs, other than meat and fish, consist of maize and millet, 'relishes', that is, peas, beans, and ground-nuts; quantities of greens called 'turnip'; European vegetables such as onions, tomatoes, and cabbages; sweet potatoes, yams, and cassava; and sugar cane and fruit according to the seasons, mangoes, pawpaws, bananas, peaches, &c. The people In the low level country always have yams and bananas, and those from the Portuguese country maize and beans. Hence a scarcity of staple food like maize in one area will be met by supplies from another, and the same is true of standard relishes like beans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The unit of price in terms of money is 1d., kobidi. Most portions of vegetables, fruit, cereals, meat, and fish are arranged in pennyworths.The price for bananas, for example varies from 8 a 1d. to 15 a 1d., for yams from 4 to 8; sweet potatoes from 6 to 12. These seasonal variations in prices are regulated by the Paramount Chief on information given him about shortage and supplies in different parts of his territory.As prices are fixed by his authority, there is no haggling over price only over the amount put into the given measure. A woman selling millet at 1d. a basinful will be urged by a buyer to put more in until the basin is heaped up and running over. Protesting all the time she will go on adding minute handfuls as the buyer says, 'Tiye, Tiye! (come on! come on!), until the cloth round the basin has a circle of overflowing millet. The woman gathers it up and hands it over with a sigh and a laugh, and the onlookers say, 'She has a good heart. She is not a 'mwenye', the derogatory name given to Indian traders.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In and out through the people goes a little man with a grizzled head and a khaki uniform followed by a lad with a sack. Into the sack go an odd banana, a yam or two, handfuls of maize, bits of sugar cane, small fish, while the official collects a penny here and there from the craftsmen, and 1s 9d. per beast from each butcher. This is the 'customs officer', collecting the Chief's dues from all the sellers at a fixed rate x which they give willingly. The Chief gets a considerable amount of foodstuffs from this 'custom', which are put away in his storehouses,and a few shillings a week in cash dues.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><i>Other facilities Provided at Lizulu</i></b>. When people come to Lizulu to buy and sell they find other facilities there. The Paramount Chief's office in his new court house has a postal section where stamps can be bought and letters sent and received. Permits for selling beer, and marriage certificates, both introduced by him, can be bought here. Friday, the day before the market is court day, that is, the day for the Appeal Court at the Paramount Chief's, and for the ordinary court at the near-by village of the Sub-Native Authority. News and gossip from the rest of Nyasaland and from farther south is exchanged when the mail lorries arrive with their load of passengers. The Paramount Chief, his wife his officials, and the Sub-Native Authority and his officials, walk in and out of the market, and are accessible for greetings and petitions. Normally the Chief can only be approached through his izinduna, and his wife through her attendant women. The ordinary people who seldom have cause to seek them out are gratified at being able to see and greet the Paramount Chief and they speak warmly of his condescension at walking among them thus freely.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><i>Paramount Chief and his market</i></b>. The Paramount Chief is 'owner' of the market in the same sense in which he is called the 'owner' of the country. It is a recognition that the market depends on him because he set it up, he regulates it, and he receives custom from it as he receives tribute from the country. It takes place in his village, where people come also for court cases and for dances,and at New Year and on other occasions. Thus the people associate the residence of the Paramount Chief with legal assistance, economic facilities for exchange, and social recreation. Ngoni tradition of the correct relationship between the Paramount Chief and his people.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The market further shows an important transition of the economic function of the Paramount Chief in former days to a new form today. We saw how in pre-European days the Paramount Chief had a monopoly of ivory which he traded to the Arabs for cloth and then distributed the cloth to his relatives and officials; and that he showed the same type of generosity in giving away war loot. This role of distributor of goods which were highly valued was allied to that of provider of food and meat and beer, and he was thus regarded as the one who satisfied the needs of his people. Having no Arab cloth or war loot to distribute in these days, the Paramount Chief organised a market where by exchange of goods people could satisfy their needs. The reciprocal relationship between Chief and people shown in the old days by tribute and military service on the one hand and gifts and food on the other has also its counterpart today. The people at the market pay custom and keep the peace and accept his ruling of prices. The Chief gives facilities for exchange, fixes a just price and walks about among them The personal relationship between the Chief and people is thus based on the old ideas, but take shape in new forms</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This analysis of the market shows, as did the institutions of cattle keeping and agriculture that economic activities are closely related to political and social organisation. It is, moreover, a proof in modern form of the organising ability of the Ngoni leaders to meet the needs of their people. We shall now summarise the chief ways in organization of the market is related to raising the standard of living in the area served by it.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><b>The market and standard of living</b>:</i> Even without the data of a quantitative assessment of food eaten, it is evident from observation that the existence of the market both equalises consumption and increases it. Local scarcity of essential foods such as beans is met by exchange in the market, and the display of foods like meat, fish, fruit,and vegetables is an inducement to purchase them. A great many households in the neighbourhood of the market buy a small regular amount of meat and fish every week It is common to meet women setting out in the early morning with a basket of grain or beans on their head and to see them returning about noon with the same basket full of a bundle of entrails, some sun-dried fish, and perhaps some bananas or mangoes. Whether those purchases represent an actual increase of the quantity of food consumed, or only more variety, that is, less porridge but a better relish it is very dicult to say. But the 'lure of the shop window ' in the display of varied foods in the market certainly excites the ambition to have a more varied diet.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The steady demand at fixed prices for food-stuffs, and especially for 'industries', acts as a direct stimulus to production. Some of the semi-educated youths lounging about the villages jeer at such spare-time occupations. 'A man's work', they say, _ is to earn wages, not to make things.' At the same time the incentive of profit is a strong one, and a maker of good baskets can get from 3<i>s</i>. to 5<i>s</i>. a week in the market. The profits from sales represent an added purchasing power and hence the possibilities of an increase in the standard of living</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We can therefore conclude that the market does affect the standard of living by equalising consumption in that area, and that it is also instrumental in raising the standard of living by stimulating production. The part played in the market by the Paramount Chief shows how economic progress and political development can be allied. The Paramount Chief is using his old power for new ends, or rather for a new method suited to changing conditions, thus promoting the welfare of his people. Hence we do not find in the market and its working any of the tension or instability or resistance shown in attempts to improve agriculture and cattle keeping. In this institution the old and the new are in unison and not in conflict.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Footnotes</b></div><ol style="text-align: left;"><li style="text-align: justify;">The sale of beer on the rosin roads was prohibited because it to too many motor accidents. There is now a 3- mile limit which is somewhat elastic in its interpretation.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">It is getting quite usual to find eating-houses at the chief stopping-places where tea and scones and more solid food can be bought.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">on the other hand, in the cotton and tobacco markets it is considered quite justifiable to cheat the European traders, who are invariably looked upon as profiteers.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">The sellers coming from a distance take up sites in the market place nearest the place at which they arrive, i.e. those from the west on the western side , and so on.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">In old days chiefs sat on an ant-hill with their officials below them.</li>
</ol></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8612876261046640414.post-5030093365961525492011-06-14T18:35:00.000+01:002011-06-14T18:35:50.339+01:00Maseko Ngoni: Cattle As Security For Religious Ritual<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: justify;">by Margaret Read, 1938.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
I<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">n this last respect which is least apparent to the European, as he seldom, if ever, sees ritual performed in times of sickness or of general calamity, such as drought, and the Ngoni are reluctant to tell outsiders about their religious rites. I was fortunate enough to be in a village where an important old lady was taken ill. The diviner was consulted announced that prayer must be made to the spirits of the great chiefs from whom the old lady was descended. In a deathly silence, in the dim light before dawn, a few men and a few cattle were gathered by the kraal. The prayer rang out to the spirits:</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">O thou <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/04/ntecheu-in-1890s.html">Gumede</a>!</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">O thou <a href="http://www.ngonipeople.com/2010/03/some-oral-traditions-from-maseko-ngoni.html">Mputa</a>!</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">O thou great chief!</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Here is your beast.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">That your child may be healed</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Look on what is yours.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">May you remain well<sup>1</sup></span><br />
<sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">And your child recover.</span></sup><br />
<sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">We do not know,</span></sup><br />
<sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">We do not know.</span></sup><br />
<sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">If you say that she will die,</span></sup><br />
<sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">She is yours, this child of yours.</span></sup><br />
<sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">It is your affair<sup>2</sup></span></sup><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">As for us, we long that your child may recover</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">If she dies, this child of yours,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">We can only speak your names</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">We cry to you for her.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span class="apple-style-span"><sup><span style="color: black; font-family: Times, serif;">Beasts and men faced south-east, in the direction whence the ancestors came. The chosen beast was watched while the prayer proceeded. It pawned the ground with its feet, and finally lay down with its back to the south east. The spirits had 'refused'; they had turned their backs, and would not help because they saw someone with a white face, of the tribe who snatched the ngoni cattle long ago<sup>3</sup>. But following day (when the white person was securely hidden the same ritual was followed, and during the prayer the beast urinated. That was a sign of the spirits being willing to accept a sacrifice. They had answered through the cattle. the beast was killed with one thrust of a spear, falling as it dies facing south east. In the house of the sick woman where the ritual vessels to the spirits were kept meat was offered in those vessels to the spirits, and they were praised and asked to accept it.</span></sup></span><span style="font-size: 16pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The meat and the sick woman were sprinkled with the juice of the gall bladder. That evening , when the spirits had "tasted" the meat, it was cooked and eaten by the invalid and her relatives and other important people.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">This rite which I saw and have described here in outline was closely parallel to other sacrifices in times of sickness and drought. The grouping of a few great people by the kraal where everyone else stayed silent in their houses and not even a dog barked nor donkey brayed; the signs of response or refusal by the spirits; the form of prayer; the killing , the offering of meat to the spirits, and the final eating; the use of ritual vessels whose presence in the hut<sup>4</sup> signified the guardianship of the spirits-all of these are repeated in every form of supplication to the spirits.<br />
<br />
</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">All the aristocratic Ngoni, are buried in the skin of a beast newly killed on the day of the burial. Thus the dead bodies are finally associated with a dead beast whose flesh is eaten by the mourners, and the spirits of the dead speak to their living descendants through the living cattle. This is the basis of the statement that cattle are and essential link between the dead and the living.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br />
</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Nearly a hundred years have passed since the Ngoni first came into the area after crossing the Zambezi and losing all their beasts save two in the tsetse fly belt<sup>5</sup>. But the horror of the time, when it seemed there would be no more cattle to be the ritual link between them and the Spirits, is vivid still, and old men speak of it with bated breath even though it is only tradition to them. Until they followed Sosola's doubtful lead<sup>6</sup> and crossed the Lake to Songea they had to use sheep for ritual purposes. Inspite of the fact that sheep than and now play an important part in the Ngoni ritual, they were inferior to cattle. It was only the shadowy hope of renewing their herds if they trekked farther which tore them temporarily from Domwe, the country they had set their hearts on, and impelled them towards still further travels and hardships for another quarter century. For they were uneasy lest the Spirits to whom they they always said, 'Heres is your beast' would ignore the silly sheep, and failing to see their cattle, might turn their backs on their descendants forever<sup>7</sup>.</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Herein, I think, lies the determined resistance of most of the Ngoni to take up land and settlements where no cattle can live. Other tribes may be able to invoke their ancestral spirits forund their graves or by some tree or mountain sacred to the Spirits. The Ngoni, perhaps because of their wanderings, have no such links with any particular places in the land and they declare the sites of graves are unimportant because they bear no relation to the habitation of the Spirits and the ritual for making prayers<sup>8</sup>. It is definitely by means of cattle that the ritual must be performed which can assure the help of the spirits. I have been in areas where the Ngoni have lost all their cattle through tsetsefly. There they show uneasiness and suscipicion, which can be partly accounted for by the loss of this security in religious ritual. Forced to use the despised goat, they descend to the level of the conquered tribes. Morever, the loss of security and consequent fear of witchcraft can be seen in their turning desperately to all kinds of magical resources scorned by the real Ngoni<sup>9</sup>.</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b><u>Footnotes</u></b></span><br />
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<ol><li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Muhlale kahle</i>, the usual greeting.</span></span></li>
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<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Indaba yakho</i></span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Reference to the removal by the British troops of about half the herds after the Ngoni war of 1896. </span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">It was the privilege of the 'big woman' to 'guard the spirits' by keeping in their huts the ritual vessels for sacrifing. Thus these 'big houses' which were the huts for economic organisation were also the focus points for religious ritual</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">This is the accepted tradition.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Sosola , a Chewa chief, was anxious to move the Ngoni out of his area, so he sent them a parcel of dung, saying 'there is more where this came from.' Actually it was buffalo dung, but the Ngoni took the bait and crossed southern end of Lake Nyasa not finding any cattle, however, until they reached Songea.</span></li>
<li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">This is the substance of my conversation on this subject with accredited informants.</span></li>
<li>These Ngoni cremate their paramount Chief and other notables, men and women, are buried on the edge of the cattle kraal.</li>
<li>"For we know that these things [i.e. witchcraft and magic] cannot cause the life of man to fail nor can they preserve it but they are all worthless and therefore to be despised (From a Ngoni text on magic used by the conquered tribes)</li>
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</span></sup></span></div></div>Samuel Alberthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16566370731789123864noreply@blogger.com0